Please welcome my guest, former Major James S. Mathison of Leavenworth, Kansas, who witnessed this incident and then wrote about it. Thank you, sir, for contributing your article and allowing me to publish here on my website. We also thank you for your service and Welcome you Home!
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Republic of Vietnam, May 1970
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Background: I arrived in the Republic of Vietnam in August of 1969 as an armor major, bound for IV Corps to be the senior advisor to the 9th ARVN Division’s organic armored cavalry squadron. Upon arrival in Sa Dec, however, I was informed that the division’s policy was that everyone served in the infantry first. As a result, I did not get to the ARVN 2nd Cav until toward the middle of April. I had only a short time to get to know my counterpart, Major An, before we moved out for the area up by the Cambodian border. He had just assumed command of the squadron, although he had been in the unit for 14 of his 16 years of service.
Photo taken of helicopter flying north of the DMZ in 1970
The incident: 1 May was the date that we entered the area that we called the Parrot’s Beak, and encountered a large force of folks who did not want us there. We indeed found the logistical and command facility that we had been told was there, and 3 days of intense fighting followed. We were supported by just about everything that could fly, and, in fact, had a disastrous mid-air over our area on the second day.
I am no longer certain on which day the incident in question happened, but I do remember that it was during a lull in air activity. I was sitting on top of the squadron command M113 when I saw a helicopter heading toward us from the wrong direction. He was coming from the interior of Cambodia! As soon as he got close enough to identify, I could see that it was a Soviet designed MI-4, which NATO had called a Hound. The Hound was a very distinctive bird, with fixed, wheeled landing gear instead of skids, looking very much like a US H-19. I remember it as being black, with no markings showing.
I was right next to Major An, and told him what the craft was, and suggested in the strongest possible terms that we shoot the sucker down. (We had several weapons that would reach the target.) The exchange went something like this:
Me: “That is an NVA helicopter, and we need to engage it.”
An: “It might be US or VNAF. We need to get clearance.”
Me: “There is no question about what it is. I have seen them in Europe, and there is no friendly helicopter like that in country.”
An: “You call your people, and I’ll call mine. We must be certain that it is not friendly.”
At that moment, I only had control over a .45 pistol, so taking matters into my own hands was not an option. Meanwhile, the Hound, which was flying low and slow, landed behind a treeline. A few minutes later, it lifted off and landed again a couple of hundred meters away. After a short time on the ground, it lifted off again, and went back the way it came. Ironically, at a time when the sky was normally filled with our air assets, I had no contact with any friendly air that might have been able to pursue the Hound.
Photo of Soviet built MI-4 introduced in 1953
Why didn’t we shoot? The contributing factors were several:
Major An was a brand new commander, and at that stage was not prone to taking action without approval.
I had only been the senior advisor for a couple of weeks, and we had not yet established the close working relationship that we developed later.
Since we owned the air, it was difficult to process that a helicopter might be an enemy.
I viewed this incident as an opportunity lost, and in time, Major An came to agree. The major question that remains in my mind is “what was so valuable that they were willing to risk one of their few helicopters?” I have done some cursory research, but have never found anything that might point to an answer. If anyone has a suggestion of places to research, I would appreciate hearing your ideas. Please contact me directly: jmathison@yahoo.com
During my research (Pdogg), I came upon a blog thread from 2007 on the website, Armchair General, which was discussing the same issue. One source cited the following from former intelligence documents:
“In 1969 a Soviet Mi-6 Helicopter was ambushed in Darlac Province, killing 7-Soviet crewman. Intelligence sources confirm that Soviets piloted choppers delivering troops and supplies into Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam.”
“In June 1968 north of the Ben Hai River, near the DMZ, between 9 and 12 Soviet built and piloted Mi-4 helicopters, carrying Soviet STYX missiles were tracked on U.S. radar. U.S. Navy Phantom jets shot down all of the helicopters. General Cao Van Vien’s staff said, “There were Russians aboard these Helicopters”.
“A Pathet Lao defector (identity withheld) told of Soviet officers at Pathet Lao headquarters complex at Ban Na Kay Neua. He confirmed that Soviet manned helicopters flew between Hanoi and Sam Neua.”
Soviet built MI-8 HIP introduced in 1967
An Indian air force Mi-8 Hip helicopter rolls along a taxiway at an airport in Bangladesh. Indian, the U.S. and nations are sending aid to Bangladesh in response to the severe flooding in that country.
Driving their M1114 High-Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicle (HMMWV) past the remains of an Mil M-4 Hound display helicopter a convoy of US Air Force (USAF) and US Army (USA) personnel enter the main entrance of an abandoned helicopter Iraqi Air Base (AB) to perform a site-survey during Operation IRAQI FREEDOM.
What do you think about this? Ever witness NVA flying Russian or Chinese helicopters? In 1975, NVA pilots flew Huey’s that were captured in the northern provinces of South Vietnam…who trained them? Your thoughts?
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The Rescue By C. A. Powell in collaboration with Jeff Bounds and Fred Jackson
Memorial Day, May 30th, 1969 B Troop (Dutchmasters) 7th Armored Squadron, 1st Air Cavalry, Vinh Long Air Base, Republic of Vietnam
Most combat units were in a Memorial Day stand-down. B Troop scheduled one visual recon along the Vietnam/Cambodia border. The preflight
briefing included an intelligence report suggesting minimal enemy activity because they were in observance of Ho Chi Minh’s birthday.
Scout and weapons platoons, commonly called a Hunter/Killer team, would conduct the recon. The team consisted of 2 OH-6A Light Observation
Helicopters (Loaches), and 2 AH-1 gunships (Cobras).
The Scout’s normal mission was to fly low and slow, draw enemy fire, and then mark the contact with red smoke. Cobra Gunships would then roll in with high-speed dives, saturating the target area with lethal fire both covering the rapid exit of the Loaches and hopefully killing the enemy.
Loaches were lightly armed with a port (left) side mounted six-barrel 7.62mm minigun, which was capable of a cyclic rate of fire of either 2,000 or 4,000 rounds per minute, as well as various grenades, and the observer’s CAR 15 a modified M-16. Cobras carried a full weapons array, including chin turret mounted 7.62 mini-gun, or a 40mm grenade launcher, and a mix of aerial rockets, that could include fleshetts, HE (high explosive), or willi-peet (white phosphorous) with either PD (point detonating) or VT (proximity detonating, fuses.
The team’s mission that day was to report any enemy movement or buildup, after which they would return to base for an afternoon of R&R, a time to kick back and enjoy a few beers with the rest of the guys.
Warrant Officer Fred Jackson, whom everyone called Jack, readied his Loach, doing his pre-flight check. Though only in country 4 months, Jack had earned respect as a proficient scout pilot whose diligence was appreciated by others who flew missions with him. His observer that day was SP4 Craig Myers. They often paired together because not only was Craig an excellent observer, but he was also the OH-6’s crewchief, and he cared for the Loach as though it were his own.
In the other Loach 1Lt. Jeff Bounds, the Scout fire team leader, and SP4 Vinnie Costello* as his observer, readied their aircraft. Along with their observers, Jeff and Jack had developed firm friendships, and respect for each other’s abilities. Their mutual admiration was further honed as they frequently worked combat missions together.
On the Weapons half of the team was 1Lt. Roy Sudeck, the Cobra fire team’s leader. Sudeck’s “front seat” was handling map reading duties and guiding the scouts from above.
The border recon included, among other areas, the “Parrot’s Beak” (an area of Cambodia that juts into South Vietnam west of Saigon and north of the Mekong River). This area was always difficult to work because the irregular border had few distinguishing landmarks.
The mission began with the Loaches dropping ‘down on the deck,’ flying low and slow, looking for anything that would suggest suspicious ground activity. The Cobras stationed themselves at altitude, out of range of any small arms fire, while directing the scout ships in their search.
Unknowingly, the scouts crossed over the border into Cambodia by about 2 clicks (kilometers). Unaware of the misdirection they had taken, they came upon a small village adjacent to a dense wood line. As they overflew its southern perimeter, both Scouts noted that there were a number of young, military aged men, and it was the largest concentration either had ever seen. Their movements were not so unusual as to draw immediate alarm, but their presence suggested further investigation.
After receiving confirmation (later discovered inaccurate) that they were on the Vietnam side of the border, the scouts were given permission to overfly it again. This time there was more activity within the village. Jack called over the radio, reporting that he had seen something – possibly a weapon.
A C&C (Command and Control) Huey had the immediate responsibility of the Hunter/Killer team, but it was on the ground at Bac Chien. The questionable ground activity and possible weapon sighting were relayed by having Roy’s wingman climb to altitude to the 7/1 Squadron TOC (Tactical Operations Center), who passed it up to the 164th Group HQ. Shortly thereafter, the Scouts were instructed to do a third go around and verify the sighting.
Jeff Bounds later said that this was a major mistake and was probably one of the worst orders he had ever been given. They had followed the pre-flight briefing orders, had observed and reported, and had not made any engagements. A Hunter/Killer team, although a formidable force, couldn’t carry a fight very far with no backup and only four aircraft. Both Scout pilots had that uneasy feeling learned from hours of scouting; their instincts told them this was a mistake. They both radioed their concerns, and then reluctantly went ahead with the go around. Despite their apprehensions, orders were orders.
The third and final pass began. With Jeff as the lead ship, and Jack on his wing, they picked up ground speed, flying fast and low, as speed was always the best ally in this sort of situation.
On returning, they found the village and surrounding area eerily quiet, and still. Jeff spotted a man who was crouched close to the ground, facing down, as though praying. Requesting cover from his wing ship, Jeff slowed down in front of the man to see what was going on. The man suddenly looked up in the direction of the approaching Loach and drew an AK 47 from under his body. Jeff decelerated, hit the pedal, and turned Vinnie, who was an excellent shot, toward the man. Vinnie, armed with a CAR-15, let out a few quick and accurate rounds, neutralizing the enemy soldier.
All hell broke loose. The village, and nearby wood line, exploded with enemy troops firing 50’s, 30’s, and all the small arms they had. None of the scouts had even been under such intense fire. It was the largest group of enemy military personnel that any of them had ever seen. Later intelligence reports revealed that this concentration of enemy troops was part of a 9th Division, NVA [North Vietnamese Army] buildup, massing for cross-border infiltration.
Both pilots called in receiving hits to their aircraft as they pulled all the collective they could get, slammed the cyclic to the forward stop, and tried to build airspeed. Jack triggered his mini gun with streams of suppressive fire as he provided cover for Jeff’s escape. With no shortage of targets, he was firing at anything that moved.
On the way out Jeff heard the words a pilot never wants to hear. “Jack’s down, Jack’s down,” Vinnie shouted.
Jack had been hit. A round had entered his left thigh, shattering his hip, and then taking out much of his left buttock. Craig attempted to take control of the aircraft, but the ship took more hits and headed into the ground, bouncing several times after the initial impact, finally coming to rest on it’s left side with the blades digging in and disintegrated with ground contact.
Meanwhile, Jeff wasted no time positioning himself to rescue the downed crew, it was what a pilot did, and it required no second thoughts, just action. Get his buddies out no matter what the risk. Vinnie pointed out that enemy troops were moving toward the downed helicopter.
The gunships sealed off the downed aircraft in a ring of mini-gun and rocket fire to keep the enemy troops at bay. Jeff asked for a brief cease-fire so he could get in close to Jack’s Loach. Roy Sudeck’s fire team gave him the window he needed, and he settled into a hover near Jack’s aircraft; firing on the converging NVA troops with his mini gun, spitting out 4000 rounds a minute.
Just as Jeff’s mini gun jammed, an enemy soldier popped up out of a spider hole a few meters in front of them and opened fire with an AK 47. Jeff’s only option was to drop down rapidly, try to avoid the bullets, and get Jack and Craig out of there. Just as the enemy solder fired a full AK clip above Jeff and Vinnie’s heads and through the doghouse, control assemblies, and upper bubbles, Jeff’s Loach took a hard bounce, sending the frag grenades that they kept between the seats into the air, almost to eye level.
Jeff struggle to keep his six foot one inch frame behind his chicken plate resulted in a permanent back injury that was to flare up later and stay with him through the rest of his life. At the time, though, his back injury, like the small splintering shrapnel wounds he sustained, went unnoticed.
The enemy soldier who had been shooting at Jeff and Vinnie disappeared in a hail of fire from the gunships above. In the downed aircraft, which had rolled hard to the left, Craig figured that he’d never be able to pull Jack up and out of the right doorway, which was now above him. Craig took his CAR-15 and blew out the bubble, scaring the hell out of Jeff and Vinnie, who had landed close by.
Precious seconds passed as Craig, covered with blood and debris, fumbled to locate Jack’s seat belt. Finding it, he pulled the release, and Jack fell
into his arms.
Vinnie didn’t hesitate. He leapt from the Loach and ran to help Craig pull Jack through the blown bubble. Together the men carried and dragged Jack to Jeff’s aircraft. Despite protests to hurry and get on board, Craig returned to the downed Loach and retrieved the radio and assorted personal equipment, keeping it from falling into enemy hands. Throwing what he had retrieved in the back seat of the Loach, Craig climbed into the aircraft and put his arm around his pilot to secure him for the escape.
Jeff prepared to lift off. Between the numbers of hits his Loach sustained, added to the hard landing, and the additional weight of two passengers, he had good reasons to worry that it might not fly.
With gunships providing cover, by a miracle, the Loach lifted off. Jeff’s objective now was to return to base with everyone still intact. Flying no higher that 100 feet above the ground, he milked as much speed as possible from the aircraft by holding the TOT [turbine outlet temperature] up to the redline and then dropping it back for a few seconds as per the operating limitations of the aircraft, nailing the air speed at nearly 130 knots for the 45 minutes return trip to Vinh Long.
Jack was in excruciating pain and bleeding profusely. Vinnie got both Craig and Jack’s helmet jacks plugged into the intercom system, and Craig told Vinnie that they needed to find something to stop Jack’s bleeding. Vinnie struggled to release the First Aid kit. When he finally got it open, he frantically dug through it. Finally, at the bottom of the box, he found a gauze pad that was big enough to apply pressure to wound. Jack’s left leg, attached only by muscle and tissue, bounced and was twisted by his position in the aircraft.
Craig worried that his friend might die. Stopping the bleeding was almost impossible, Jack’s face was ghostly pale, and he kept loosing consciousness. The forty-five-minute flight seemed infinitely longer.
Jeff radioed Vinh Long Tower (Air Traffic Control) that they had a medical emergency and needed clearance for a straight-in approach. ATC cleared all air and runway traffic and vectored the surviving Loach to the medical pad. When they set down, Craig stayed with Jack as the medics transferred him to a waiting Medevac to be airlifted to the nearest MASH unit in Binh Thuy.
Jeff and Vinnie took their damaged aircraft to the Loach revetments, threw all their gear in, did a quick preflight on another aircraft, and returned to the crash site. In the area adjacent to the village, a large number of solders were picking through the remains of the Loach, while many more were scattered throughout the area, apparently tending to their casualties. The Cobras were orbiting several clicks from the crash site and Jeff queried Roy as to why they weren’t firing on the enemy troops when word came over the radio that they had inadvertently
crossed the border into Cambodia.
There would be no recovery of the downed Loach and Jeff was ordered to remain clear. They couldn’t even blow the aircraft in place! Jeff prayed that the mini-gun on Fred’s aircraft had been rendered inoperable in the crash. He didn’t want it shooting at him, or anyone else, some day in the future.
Returning to base, Jeff and Vinnie learned that Jack was out of surgery, stabilized, but in critical condition. The OH-6A that had brought all four back safely was signed off as unsalvageable with over 130 bullet holes in it – virtually every critical component other than the engine and the transmissions had sustained such damage that any of them alone would have rendered it unflyable! A crew chief gave Jeff one of the bell cranks that had a bullet hole completely through it. He still has it today.
WO1 Fred Jackson was to spend the next 3 years in various hospitals, ending up at Walson Army Hospital at Ft. Dix, NJ. For the first year he was in a full body cast. Over the next two years he had multiple surgeries to enable him to walk again. He was awarded the Air Medal for Heroism.
Observers, Craig Myers and Vinnie Costello* were also awarded the Air Medal With “V” For Heroism. Jeff Bounds and Roy Sudeck received the
Distinguished Flying Cross for their part in this rescue. A day that was to have been uneventful would forever impact the lives of those who participated in the rescue mission.
Fred Jackson, (Jack) was medically retired from the Army. He now owns an organic citrus grove in Florida, where he lives with his wife and children. Jeff Bounds is a retired FAA Air Traffic Controller, and resides in Salisbury, Maryland with his wife. Both men are grandfathers. This article has been written for the children and grandchildren of all these men so they will know of their father’s, or grandfather’s, contributions that day when bravery and loyalty saved two lives.
*Note: The name “Costello” is fictitious, as Vinnie’s real last name is unknown. The authors would welcome information about Vinnie, Craig, or any of the other participants.
Thank you, sir, for your service and Welcome Home!
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Entering active duty in August 1965, I immediately volunteered to go to South Viet Nam. The Air Force accepted the volunteer statement, but I had to complete that first assignment before going, which included some 19 months (two winters – brrrrr!) in Maine.
In May 1967, I arrived in Saigon and was immediately flown to Da Nang. My assignment was to a radar site on Monkey Mountain, some 7 miles NE of Da Nang, perhaps one of the safest locations in all of South Viet Nam. At Monkey Mountain, as with other long range radar sites, we primarily provided flight following to fighter and transport aircraft, joined fighters with tankers for mid-air refueling on their way to and from the Hanoi and Haiphong areas of North Viet Nam, assisted in downed pilot rescues, and provided other support as necessary.
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In mid-October, I volunteered for and was reassigned to the radar site at Dong Ha, 70 some-odd miles NW of Da Nang. Dong Ha was located in Quang Tri Province, 6 miles northwest of Quang Tri, and 24 miles northeast of Khe Sanh. Being only six miles below the so-called demilitarized zone (DMZ), it was an inviting, stationary target for North Viet Nam military forces, who moved rockets and artillery guns into the DMZ. While an Air Force tour in Viet Nam was 12 months, the maximum tour at Dong Ha was six months due to continuing artillery barrages. The attacks were sporadic but often. One might go two weeks with no incoming shells or “rounds” followed by a similar period of several barrages a day. During my approximately 180 days at Dong Ha, we endured 113 barrages. While taking a sporadic (never more than) 150 rounds a day was nerve wracking, it small potatoes compared to Khe Sanh where, during the Tet Offensive of 1968, as many as 1,500 rounds a day were endured. We thought we had it pretty rough, but Marines coming out of Khe Sanh felt Dong Ha was almost an R&R site!
When one is attacked by artillery, there are several aspects that become immediately apparent. First, when the initial round explodes you literally “hit the dirt,” as the last place you want to be in an artillery barrage is in an upright position. The flatter you can be on the ground, the better. Due to incoming speed, shrapnel from the exploding round literally goes forward and up. Only a few pieces of shrapnel will blow back in the direction of the firing gun. If a round lands just a few feet beyond your location, you are relatively safe. Also, if you are fortunate enough to drop in a ground depression, a round has practically got to hit you in order to do damage. This doesn’t make the attack any less terrifying, but it does greatly increase survivability. Somewhat humorously when lying flat on the ground, there is an urge to yell or scream, but you don’t, because sucking in the air to yell will raise your back another inch or two off the ground! Also, when lying there, you can feel your belt buckle and shirt buttons keeping you up off the ground!
Second, the sound of incoming rounds, where everyone recognizes the sound and takes cover is the stuff of which movies are made. While you can hear and react to an incoming round that will impact to your right or left at say ¼ mile or more, a round coming at you is traveling so fast it will explode by the time your mind recognizes what’s happening. It is similar to a lightning strike that hits closer than 50 yards. Ironically, since the round travels in an arc, and the firing sound travels in a straight line, the sound will arrive approximately 1-2 seconds before the round itself. One never hears the first firing, but as you lie flat on the ground, you will hear a very soft “poom,” telling you another round is on the way.
Third, there is almost no excuse for being injured or killed by any incoming round except the first one. As the above paragraph indicates, being flat on the ground should prevent injury or death from later rounds. Unfortunately, every artillery-caused death that occurred at the Dong Ha Air Force radar site from October 1967 to April 1968 occurred after that first round. Why? Because being caught out in the open during an artillery barrage is absolutely terrifying, and the temptation to get up and “run for cover” is very powerful. Far too many Airmen paid the ultimate price for yielding to this temptation.
So, the only viable option is to lie there and take it. Fighting back is impossible. For someone who had not been allowed to fight after sixth grade, because the other kid’s parents might take away their insurance from our family’s agency and put us in the poor house, I was much better prepared than those raised without such restrictions. My most vivid memory here was of a Captain who played first-string backfield at a large university. He was very powerfully built and could probably have taken on a pack of alligators and won. Unable to fight back when under artillery attack turned him into a virtual alcoholic in a matter of weeks. Regrettably, he was one of many who chose to bury their fears in alcohol, which was readily available.
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A Navy Triage located next to our radar site, was the initial receiving point for anyone injured in Quang Tri Province. Often, when not controlling aircraft, many of us could be found at the Triage carrying stretchers from the incoming helicopters to the first treatment location. Between our own compound and the triage, we saw enough injury and death to last many lifetimes. As for what we saw at these side-by-side locations, just think of the opening D-Day scenes in “Saving Private Ryan.” When I and others who served at Dong Ha think of the Purple Heart, injuries seen in our compound and the Triage come to mind. For this reason, none of us at the radar site who received minor cuts and scratches from shrapnel ever put in for the Purple Heart. We all felt we just didn’t deserve it.
At the end of March 1968, I left Dong Ha and returned to the safety of Monkey Mountain, and stayed until leaving Viet Nam in May. Those of us returning to Monkey Mountain occasionally provided humor for other individuals, such as when a truck backfired while carrying a lunch tray to my seat. I dove to the floor, and the tray, hot food and all, landed on two Colonels visiting the site! Another time, I was sitting on a bench outside reading a newspaper in the late afternoon when an F4 broke the sound barrier. The paper went up, I dove forward for the ground, and made the best “football clip” of my life on a Marine who happened to be standing about four feet away with his back to me! Fortunately, he wasn’t armed at the time!
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There were several after effects from experiences at Dong Ha, and everyone changed, some for the better, and some for the worse. Many became alcoholics. Some later overcame the disease, while others did not. Second, after observing so much maiming and killing, many lost the desire to ever again have anything to do with guns. Outside of mandatory proficiency training, I hadn’t fired a gun since leaving Viet Nam until 2005 when I bought a shotgun to kill turtles eating fish in our stocked pond. Third, any sudden loud noise would, for several years, cause us to duck, often to the point of hitting the ground. To remain standing after a nearby lightning strike was virtually unknown! Even today, if a loud noise occurs when talking about war in general or Viet Nam in particular, the result is the same. Fortunately, I haven’t “hit the ground” since a lightning strike in the summer of 2004. As for PTSD, I thought I never had it until my late wife told me I periodically woke up screaming at night during the first 20 years of our marriage (we married 17 Aug 69). I can’t confirm this, as I have no recollection of it ever happening.
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Lest one think Viet Nam was nothing but despair, most radar controllers received numerous, very proud moments when they helped save lives and equipment. Joining a fighter with a tanker after the fighter has run out of gas and is gliding down; running a ground controlled approach (GCA) which “the book” says can’t be done with long range radar, in near zero visibility and a fighter pilot who is injured and can’t change frequencies; and guiding a rescue helicopter to a downed pilot before he can be captured all leave one with a satisfaction that cannot be described. There were many times in Viet Nam when we felt we were needed more than at any other time in their lives, before and since.
As most veterans will tell you, those six months of trial at Dong Ha, as with any trying experience forged some of the strongest friendships of our lives. I still have the names addresses of nearly 20 friends with whom I served during those six months at Dong Ha. The experience? I wouldn’t trade it for all the tea in China, but I wouldn’t wish it on a dog.
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In 1998, one of my children asked if I ever suffered from PTSD, to which I responded that I had no such suffering and felt very lucky about that. My wife Nancy immediately said that if I didn’t have PTSD, then why did I wake up screaming at night for the first 20 years of our marriage? To this day, I have no memory of that ever happening!
Thank you, brother, for your service and Welcome Home!
This article was also published on TogetherWeServed Dispatches – August 2016. To read more articles or join, visit http://togetherweserved.com/.
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and wanted to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. A directory, to the right of each article, lists all my published posts in chronological order – links are alive – just click and read. If you’d rather sample every post by scrolling through the many pages, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to land on the blog’s main page…most recent posts are first – a navigation bar at the bottom of every page aids readers in moving between pages.
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In 1970, John Kowalski is one of many young, naive teenage soldiers sent to Vietnam to fight in an unpopular war. Dubbed “Cherries” by their more seasoned peers, these newbies suddenly found themselves thrust into the middle of a terrible nightmare – literally forced to become men overnight. On-the-job-training is intense, however, most of these teenagers were hardly ready to absorb the harsh mental, emotional, and physical stress of war. When coming under enemy fire for the first time and witnessing death first-hand, a life changing transition begins…one that can’t be reversed.
The author is an excellent story teller, readers testify that they are right there with the characters, joining them in their quest for survival, sharing the fear, awe, drama and sorrow, witnessing bravery and sometimes, even laughing at their humor. It’s a story that is hard to put down.
When soldiers return home from war, all are different – changed for life. “Cherries” tells it like it is and when finished, readers will better understand what these young men have to endure, and why change is imminent. All of these veterans should be embraced, welcomed home and thanked for their service. Vietnam vets and anyone who has been a young soldier in any war will appreciate the sentiments here.
Parental Rating:
This book contains content that may not be suitable for young readers 14 and under.
Author’s statement:
Cherries is a work of fiction. Although the places and units actually existed, they are used by the author in a fictitious manner for this work. All characters in this work are fictional. Any names or characteristics to any person past, present, or future are purely coincidental.
Award:
Finalist in Sixth International Literary Awards at Washington State College, 1986 (titled The Ingenuous Soldier).
**Audio Book awarded “Best of 2012” **
Book Reviews:
Cherries weds a matchless sense of dramatics with the ability to tell a marvelous story. You have staged excellent, realistic action with convincing effect. Cherries has a compelling magnetic quality. –Manuscripts International, 1987
As an avid reader of many historical memoirs, both fiction and autobiographical, rarely have I found one as in depth and revealing as Mr. Podlaski’s work… –Bernie Weisz, Vietnam War Historian
One ‘read’ will not be enough. You will want to pass through the pages of “Cherries” more than once just to savor the up close and personal story again. –Jerry Kunnath, author
From the Author
“Cherries…” is getting excellent reviews on both Amazon and my personal blog. I’m hearing from spouses and children of Veterans who have read my book out of curiosity because their father/husband will not talk about his war experiences. They are using it as a conduit to help open doors, locked for decades. As a result, veterans are beginning to share memories – both good and bad – with family members, and thanking me for “putting into words a story that they’ve been unable to tell until now”. Career soldiers and veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan are responding that they can relate to those experiences within “Cherries”, saying that it’s a different time, different country, different war, but not much has changed over the years.
Click on this link to watch/listen to excerpts of my audiobook linked to Vietnam photos:https://youtu.be/WDl5fUVaqFE
When Can I stop Running? book description
John Podlaski’s encore Vietnam War novel brings back John (‘Polack’) Kowalski, the central character in ‘Cherries’, and introduces us to Louis (‘LG’) Gladwell, his irrepressible black friend. Polack and LG are a ‘Salt and Pepper’ team, best buddies and brothers in a way that only those who have fought side-by-side in a war can ever truly understand.
The year is 1970, and the story follows the two soldiers – impressionable Detroit teenagers – during their long night in a Listening Post (‘LP’), some 500 meters beyond the bunker line of the new firebase. Their assignment as a “human early warning system”, is to listen for enemy activity and forewarn the base of any potential dangers. As they were new to the “Iron Triangle” and its reputation, little did they know that units before them lost dozens of soldiers in this nightly high-risk task and referred to those assigned as “bait for the enemy” and “sacrificial lambs”.
Sitting in the pitch black tropical jungle – with visibility at less than two feet – John’s imagination takes hold throughout the agonizing night, and at times, transports him back to some of his most vivid childhood memories – innocent, but equally terrifying at the time.
As kids, we instinctively run as fast as we can to escape imaginary or perceived danger, but as soldiers, men are trained to conquer their fears and develop the confidence to stand their ground and fight. Running is not an option.
In ‘When Can I Stop Running?‘ the author juxtaposes his nightmarish hours in the bush with some of his most heart-pounding childhood escapades. Readers will relate to the humorous childish antics with amusement; military veterans will find themselves relating to both of the entertaining and compelling recollections.
Book Reviews:
“In a brilliant follow-up to his novel “Cherries,” John Podlaski weaves frightening events of his youth into a vivid depiction of a terrifying night as an infantryman on a Listening Post during the Vietnam War.” – Joe Campolo, Jr., Authorof “The Kansas NCO” and “Back To the World.“ “This tome draws the reader into the experiences that only combat personnel can usually hold witness to; broadening our understanding of the true sacrifices our military makes for us and our freedoms every day. ‘When Can I Stop Running’ should be on all of our ‘must read’ lists.” -Jerry Kunnath, Writer
“What makes When Can I Stop Running? a different read from ‘Cherries’ are the interludes where Polack, his memories brought to the surface as warily he watches for any movement near the LP, recalls his many adventures with school friends, some terrifying, some funny while growing up in Detroit during the1960’s. It is in these stories, so familiar to those of us of the Boomer generation, that the author treats us to some of his finest writing. His childhood comes to life in his rich, poetic descriptions. It is a lost world which haunts all of our generation’s memories, just as we are haunted by our memories of the central and defining event of our generation, the Vietnam War. Highly recommended!” -Christopher Gaynor, author of “A Soldier Boy Hears the Distant Guns” and countless newspaper articles including a feature story and photos inTime Magazine
“Warrior and Vietnam author John Podlaski pulls out the stops in a very personal story interweaving some of his childhood experiences with his unnerving telling of his night spent in a listening post. A vividly written yet tasteful account of a nightmare experience; hair-raising and touching at the same time. It’s a night he’ll never forget.” -WilliamE. Peterson, International Best Selling and Award Winning Author: “Missions OfFire And Mercy~Until Death Do Us part”and “Chopper Warriors~Kicking The Hornet’s Nest”. Coming in July 2016, “ChopperHeroes.” “John does a magical job in his second book of weaving the terrors of boyhood adventure with the terrors of war. His words had me laughing and crying while recalling and reliving some of my childhood adventures and the terror of pitch black nights alone on the floor of jungles in Vietnam. Thank you, John, for another great adventure!” –Stephen Perry, Author of “Bright Light: Untold Stories of the Top Secret War in VVietnam.” “As I read ‘When can I stop Running?’ and got deeper into the story, it brought all the images forward of those things I feared most – total darkness, rotting jungle, insects, and strange noises. I cringed at every turn, often asking myself if I had the bravado to do what they were doing. Today, soldiers use Night Vision Devices to see in the dark, quite a contrast from the Vietnam Era when soldiers only had their hearing, sense of smell, and a vivid imagination to guide them in the pitch black jungle. I also appreciate the author’s stories of his youth; the adventures are both frightening and funny, yet, I could relate to similar experiences while growing up. This book is the real deal! Great job, Mr. Podlaski!” -R. Scott Ormond (Sgt-5 ReCon Scout and Tank Section 3d/33d Armor, Germany 1971-73)
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If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. A directory, on the right of each page, lists all my published posts in chronological order – links are alive – just click and read. If you’d rather sample every post by scrolling through the many pages, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to land on the blog’s main page…most recent posts are first – a navigation bar at the bottom of every page aids readers in moving between pages.
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Some veterans have commented that I don’t have anything posted regarding “Death Valley” and the 1969 battle pitting the NVA against the 196th Infantry Brigade and the 7th Marines. So I did some searching and came up with a 1st person account. My guest, Robert B. Robeson, originally wrote this story for the “Tom Howard / John H. Reid Short Story Contest” in 2011 and then won the Second Place Award. It doesn’t cover the battle on the ground, instead, Mr. Robeson, a medevac pilot, tells about his harrowing flights in to the battle to collect the wounded. Little did he know that one of them would become a celebrity in the years to come.
An intriguing chain of events began with a story titled “The Postcard”, by Rocky Bleier (with David Eberhart) in the 2001 edition of Chicken Soup for the Veteran’s Soul. It caught my attention as I was browsing through displays in a local bookstore in Lincoln, Nebraska. As I glanced at the first paragraph, the words “Hiep Duc, in the Que Son Valley” and “August 20, 1969” stopped me in my tracks. Instantly, these words brought back 31-year-old memories of danger, darkness and death.
On August 20, 1969, I was a U.S. Army captain assigned to the 236th Medical Detachment (Helicopter Ambulance) in Da Nang, South Vietnam, as operations officer and a medical evacuation pilot. Our mission entailed evacuating wounded and dead Americans, South Korean, South Vietnamese, Australian allies, Vietnamese civilians and often enemy soldiers to aid stations and hospitals in our 5,000-square-mile operational area.
From August 20-22, I had assigned myself as copilot to a field-site crew of four at Landing Zone (LZ) Baldy, approximately 25 miles south of Da Nang. Warrant Officer 1 William A. (Wild Bill) Statt was the aircraft commander, SP5 John N. Seebeth was our medic and SP5 Paul L. Sumrall was the crew chief. I’d barely been in Vietnam a month and in our unit for two weeks as a rookie pilot.
LZ Baldy – 1969
What we weren’t aware of was that we were about to be shoved into the middle of a major battle involving four regiments of the U.S. Army’s 196th Light Infantry Brigade, two battalions of the U.S. 7th Marines and batteries of the U.S. 82nd Artillery that provided fire support from four firebases. These Americans were facing 1,500 Communist troops.*
In those 2½ days of devastating action, our crew evacuated 150 wounded Americans from the Que Son Valley on 42 missions, 15 of which were “insecure”. This meant that our ground troops couldn’t guarantee the safety of the LZ because the enemy was in contact and too close, or friendlies were low on ammunition and couldn’t provide appropriate covering fire. On a majority of these insecure missions, helicopter gunships were unavailable to cover our unarmed aircraft because there was too much action requiring their services in other parts of this battleground. So our only alternative was to take our chances and go in alone because most of the wounded wouldn’t have survived if we’d have waited for gunships to arrive.
During late morning of August 21st, our UH-1H (Huey) was shot up by enemy AK-47 rifle fire while exiting another insecure LZ. One of our three patients was wounded for the second time. A burst of enemy fire ripped into a can of oil our crew chief kept under my armored seat, spraying this liquid over my Nomex, fire-retardant flight pants. Another round locked me in my shoulder harness when it clipped a wire on the unlocking device attached to the left side of my seat. After depositing our patients at the battalion aid station at LZ Baldy, a replacement bird and a different crew chief were flown down from Phu Bai (a medevac unit north of Da Nang) for our use.
Less than 24 hours later (August 22nd), we were shot up for the second time on another insecure mission. This one involved evacuating an African-American infantry staff sergeant who’d been shot in the back. Seebeth was wounded in the throat as we made our hot-and-hairy tactical approach into the LZ. An AK-47 round tore out his larynx before we’d even landed. As we exited the LZ with our original patient, who’d been literally thrown aboard by two of his comrades under heavy enemy fire, two of our three radios were also shot out.
In the aid station at LZ Baldy, Seebeth kept mouthing the words I can’t breathe as he kicked his legs in frustration. I held his legs and attempted to calm him while Captain George Waters, M.D., performed a tracheotomy without anesthesia. The wound had swollen so fast that it was cutting off his oxygen. Time couldn’t be wasted being concerned about alleviating his pain. Doc Waters immediately initiated an incision. Mercifully, Seebeth quickly lapsed from shock into unconsciousness.
John survived, but has endured twelve follow-up operations since then…one of which gave him back a voice. But it’s not the same voice we’d known and grown to love as he provided emergency medical care to thousands of his patients. Today it’s produced by a plastic Montgomery T-tube that’s inserted into his tracheotomy opening. When he wants to talk, he must plug an opening on one end with a finger to force air through his mouth.
Rocky Bleier in Vietnam – taking a break
Since that first paragraph of Rocky Bleier’s story in 2001 had caught my attention, I decided to do some research. I’d heard that Bleier had written an autobiography titled Fighting Back (with Terry O’Neil). In it, he’d written about his early life, the fact that he’d been drafted into the U.S. Army in 1968, and details concerning his subsequent service in Vietnam in 1969 where he was severely wounded in both legs. He also provided an inspiring story of how he overcame his wounds and a right foot that doctors thought, at one point, would have to be amputated. This ultimately led to Bleier being a part of four winning National Football League (NFL) Super Bowls as a starting running back with the Pittsburgh Steelers in 1974, 1975, 1978 and 1979.
Rocky Bleier #20 Pittsburg Steelers Running Back
Both the 1975 and revised/updated 1995 editions of Bleier’s autobiography were out of print. So I contacted an out-of-print book dealer who was able to acquire a copy of the 1975 edition. I sat down to read the entire book as soon as it arrived in 2002.
Before beginning the first chapter, I glanced at the “Contents” page. Chapter 7, titled “August 20, 1969”, quickly caught my eye. This is when things became interesting and nearly unbelievable.
On August 20th, Bleier was an M-79 grenadier with the 196th Light Infantry Brigade of the Americal Division. He was wounded twice on this Wednesday near Million Dollar Hill (which gained its name and fame because a million dollars worth of American helicopters were shot down there in one day) that was located east of the infamous village of Hiep Duc. His book described in detail how a “Dust Off” medevac helicopter had previously completed two missions to their location that night evacuating other wounded Company C members. Bleier was next to the last patient crammed into the cargo compartment on this third and final flight to be evacuated to LZ Baldy at 2:00 a.m. on Thursday the 21st. That’s when it hit me.
I went to my military files and pulled out my combat flight records. Then I retrieved a citation for the Distinguished Flying Cross that our entire crew had been awarded for those traumatic 2½ days. Everything fit. Our unit’s lone field-site was at LZ Baldy and I only assigned one flight crew there at a time. Hiep Duc and Million Dollar Hill were in our area of operations. That’s when I recalled our crew landing on the same hilltop three times in one night during that period of time. We were obviously the crew that had evacuated Bleier and his other wounded infantry comrades from that ambush site during this chaotic night.
Ernest Hemingway wrote, “The world (and also combat) breaks everyone and afterward many are strong at the broken places.” Perhaps this is what happened to Rocky Bleier, our flight crew and so many others in Vietnam. Adversity has a way of introducing you to yourself.
As soldiers, especially medevac crews, doctors, nurses and medics, we were all our brothers’ and sisters’ keepers…and still are to this day on different battle fronts. It was a fact that many of our brothers needed evacuation and immediate medical care during that horrific August 1969 night on Million Dollar Hill in Vietnam. I’ll always be grateful that our crew was there and able to assist those courageous American warriors.
On this Memorial Day, I’m again reminded of how war changes veterans’ lives forever in painful ways. Those who’ve experienced combat’s physical and psychological pressure cooker know it can be like swimming with piranhas, great white sharks and moray eels in a sea of blood. Surviving in such an atmosphere is often as easy as attempting to perform disappearing magic tricks in front of a firing squad.
When we veterans returned home, and so many of our friends and comrades didn’t, nagging doubts had the ability to creep into our minds about whether we really accomplished everything that we could have done. Survivor’s guilt can overwhelm a combat veteran with an emotional tsunami just because he or she is still alive.
In my own case, I know how it feels to make a judgment error that cost a South Vietnamese lieutenant colonel with seven children his life. My crew could have saved him but, as aircraft commander, I failed to recognize the danger he was in quickly enough. Forget those other 986 missions that ended successfully. That particular incident continues to wend its way through my thoughts almost daily. I finally forgave myself for this personal blunder, many years later, but the survivor’s guilt I internalized for so long etched this mistake deep into my conscience. How quickly and easily war can destroy lives. Just the blink of an eye and their lights are extinguished forever.
A persistent voice in the back of my mind used to whisper a disturbing thought. Why did you survive when so many others didn’t? I don’t know the answer to that question and may never know in this lifetime. That’s one of the reasons I became a writer. I’ve made it a personal goal to ensure that the legacies of courage, duty and dedicated service our military members have provided through over 235 years as a nation don’t die and aren’t swept into the dustbin of history.
I celebrate my combat survival, and over 27 years of military service on three continents that began at the age of 17, by writing and publishing the truth about the heroism and sacrifices of military personnel that I’ve witnessed. That’s because it’s important to honor all veterans—dead and alive—who’ve served America in time of both war and peace.
Some of our fellow citizens, journalists, college professors and politicians apparently lack understanding about our warrior culture. They often fail to fully appreciate its deep loyalty to comrades, Ramboesque competitive nature, periodic paranoia (generated mostly by reality) and profound sense of service. I feel obligated to help educate them, whenever possible, about this magnificent “band of brothers and sisters”.
A day seldom passes when I don’t recall bloody scenes of young men sprawled on our cargo deck, most whom were barely out of high school, and how they were cut down defending the freedoms of others before their own lives had barely begun. I think of all the milestones they never reached such as graduation from college, marriage, children…and old age with the rest of us. Remembering is a continuous act. I don’t need Memorial Day to remind me. Every day is Memorial Day in my world.
August 20, 1969 was merely another dangerous and dramatic day for so many in our country’s history of sacrifice and service on behalf of others. But it taught me an important lesson. We never know who our actions might impact in this life or who might touch and influence us in return. And each time Memorial Day rolls around, we can benefit ourselves and others by celebrating, acknowledging and never forgetting those who gave—and are still giving—their all in the fight for freedom around this planet. We forget their strength, courage and dedication at our nation’s peril. Honoring their memories, missions and meritorious achievements is the least we can do for them, now and forever.
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Today’s guest – Neil Doc Keddie was a Medic with the 1st of the 502nd, 101st Airborne and attached to Recon from December ’69 through the end of August ’70 when he began running the Aid Station on Firebase Arsenal. Here’s his story:
Neil Doc Keddie loaded with 100+ lbs. of supplies – ready to go
Remember those moments before going out on a mission. The day began with all the activity involved in packing rucks, drawing fresh ammo, cleaning weapons, and for me making sure my Aid Bag was packed and I had enough dressings and meds for the next 10 days or so. C Rations were uncrated —I was popular because I was given an old M-16 (actually an XM-16) with a forked flash suppressor which was great for cutting the wire surrounding the C Ration cases–and put into the rucks. Like droppings, everywhere someone had been loading his cans there were leftover tins of Date Pudding and Fruit Cake. SPs were divided up which were particularly significant for those of us who smoked. Canteens were filled and tied on the back. The conversations were all small-talk that covered a nervousness about what might transpire in the very-near future.
RTO Tiarianna checking his PRC-25 radio
Then –for us–it was “Saddle Up” and climb the hill to the helicopter pad where we waited for the birds to come from Eagle to pick us up. There was always some nervous activity rustling around as each team split up on one side of the pad or the other. But for the most part there was quiet as we contemplated what we were about to embark on, our families, our loved ones, our memories of those days before we entered the service and the hopes and dreams we held for the days that lay ahead after our tour was over.
Climbing up to the Chopper pad
And then we could hear them . . that distinctive sound of the “Slick” as they approached the firebase getting louder and louder. It was at that moment as they were about to descend to pick us up that the adrenaline started to kick in. in what seemed like mere seconds we got up, crouched over, and ran –the best we could with 100+ pound rucks, weapons, and ammo–towards the birds turning around as we got there and heaving ourselves on board. Each of us sat down hanging our legs out the bird —with the exception of the “Cherries” who were forced into the middle. Once there and situated the bird ascended and the firebase receded as we banked and headed for our LZ.
The flight to our objective was one of mixed emotions as the adrenaline coursed through our bodies and minds. Silent prayers, nervous clutching of our weapons, thoughts that tried to envision where we were going and what we were about to encounter. All these thoughts were tempered by the feel of freedom as our legs dangled out the slick and the amusement park ride sensation as the bird banked hard —with those on one side looking straight at the ground while the others were treated to a view of heaven before leveling back out and making our way to our destination.
Prep fire on the LZ as we approached for touchdown
As we approached our LZ we could begin to discern all the activity around it. Smoke rounds, artillery preps and then the final prep conducted by Cobras way down below us. Then it was our turn as the 1st Bird made its way down. The Crew Chief and the Door Gunner unleashed their weapons spewing rounds on the LZ and perimeter and at the same time spewing hot spent shells that for those unlucky enough to sit on the right side of the bird meant trying to prevent them from going down one’s fatigue jacket and being burnt.
Ready to touchdown – standing on the skids allowed for quickest exit
And then it was the end of the line for us. Those on the first bird in running like hell to set up a perimeter and making sure the LZ wasn’t hot. For those of us on the following Slicks it was tension as we waited to see the color of the smoke popped. Red–and one just about pissed one’s pants: “Goofy Grape” and one could relax just a bit. In we went –usually riding the skids in so we could get off faster–and then we made our way to the perimeter to watch and wait until the last bird dropped its load.
After the last bird rose up and away from the LZ there arose in all of us a rather feeling of sadness and anxiety. The farther away the prop sounds got the more we realized that now we were pretty much on our own. And then all was quiet and now time for us to get to the business at hand. Now! it was the time when the “brotherhood” took over and it would be that which would carry us through for the next-however-many-days that we would be out.
Here’s a conversation between Neil and another former medic after he posted the above on his FB page:
Larry Doc ButcherCombat Medics attached to the Infantry grunts always went out on the first, “unsecured” insert and stayed out returning with the “last” pickup. Medics always had to go out on every ambush patrol. Medics were on duty 24/7 365…
Neil Doc KeddieThere wasn’t anything that they did that we didn’t do. Hell, I remember one of my last missions walking point because I was one of the few left who knew where we were and where we were going. Of course now I say to myself “What the hell were you thinking, you moron?
Larry Doc Butcher Just yesterday I got a phone call from Jimmy Doc Reagle. I had just been taken off line and one NIGHT we were standing in the First Aid Station in Cu Chi when we were told Alpha Co got hit and they need to fly a Medic out immediately. B…See More
Neil Doc Keddie I know the feeling —about 4 years ago I finally was able to make contact with some of my Recon brothers and among them is Steve Burr who I had last seen as I dressed his leg and got him dusted off. It’s one of those very special bonds that few can really understand or appreciate the depth.
Larry Doc Butcher, Yesterday the hair stood up on my arms as Jimmy and I were talking. Some of the stuff affected us to our very CORE! You are correct, the intensity of the situations created a bond others can’t possibly understand. One needs to have experienced some things to understand the true, intensity of the feelings.
Neil Doc KeddieI remember my first reunion —I toasted them saying “To you, who have convinced me that magic does exist because in 24 hours you all have made 45 years disappear. It was so great to feel that brotherhood again and for all of us to continue just like the last we saw them was the day before. My wife –bless her heart —couldn’t get used to the fact that for all of our marriage she knew me as “Neil” and then all of a sudden I was “Doc.”
Larry Doc ButcherI never realized how much we meant to our platoon members until recently. However, I was very aware ALL my grunts “took great care” of me when we were out. I didn’t realize how important our medical task was until my PTSD counselor conversations. I have always thought I was NOT important… I was just doing my job. At the time I did EVERYTHING in my power to treat, heal, and save my Platoon buddies and ARVN’s when we worked with them!
Thank you for your story Doc! Thank you also for your service and Welcome Back Brother! Remember that we Grunts held you “docs” in the highest regard. Your presence in the bush made us feel more at ease and protected. Thank you for being there when needed!
How ’bout you grunts out there…this bring back any memories of your own?
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. A directory, on the right of each page, lists all my published posts in chronological order – links are alive – just click and read. If you’d rather sample every post by scrolling through the many pages, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to land on the blog’s main page…most recent posts are first – a navigation bar at the bottom of every page aids readers in moving between pages.
I’ve also created a poll to help identify my website audience – before leaving, can you please click HERE and choose the one item best describing you. Thank you in advance!
When in war, we were taught to not dwell upon death…look past it and bury it in your sub-conscious. Well guess what! These haunting visions materialize when a veteran least expects them. Bombarding their psyche with images in living color, intimidating, haunting, and beating them down.
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Yesterday, I saw a movie called, “Hacksaw Ridge” which focused on the battle of Okinawa in WWII and the exploits of Desmond Doss, who received the MOH for personally saving the lives of 75 badly injured soldiers from the battle. Alone, he sought them out, dressed their wounds and carried them through the battlefield before lowering them by hand via a rope to waiting troops 350 feet below. All while avoiding the Japanese who were checking bodies and killing those soldiers still alive.
Desmond Doss was a medic and one of the first recognized Conscientious Objectors to participate in a major battle. While growing up, his father, a WWI veteran, was routinely drunk and beat his wife and two boys. There were scenes in a cemetery where he toasted those close friends who were killed in the war. Clearly, he was suffering from PTSD and survivors guilt, but this ailment would not be recognized for decades to come and treatment at that time was to do whatever was necessary to forget. On one occasion, his father had a handgun when fighting his wife. Desmond intervened and disarmed his drunken father, who in turn, begged his son to shoot him and end his life. When both sons joined the Army to fight in the war, their father chastised them, trying to warn them about the gruesomeness of war and how it will change them. But they didn’t listen!
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Private Doss lost friends during the battle but saved many others – many with horrendous and devastating wounds. How did he cope in the years afterward? He remained married to the same woman, raised a family, had grand-children, and later died in 2006 of old age.
In many cases, and without help or support, veterans are turning to suicide to escape their demons. PTSD is a recognized disease and help is readily available, but veterans are continuing to end their lives – at a rate of 20 per day.
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Here is one veteran’s undated story from “The Veteran’s Site”, a community that supports our veterans, our troops, and one another.
I encourage sharing my testimony with as many media outlets as humanly possible, because the word has to get out that the Men and Women who have or are protecting our way of life are truly hurting and need help now NOT tomorrow, because for 22 veterans it will be too late.
This testimony is for my twenty two veteran brothers and sisters who have decided to end their life by committing suicide today. I wish there was some magical gift of love, I could send your way to make you change your mind but all I can do is share my own very personal story in hopes it just might make a positive difference. I too was once in your shoes. The year was 1996 and I was in the middle of a very bitter and ugly divorce. My life was totally turned upside down. My career in the Air Force was in jeopardy, because I could not focus on anything but the negatives in my life. It seemed as if I was losing everything important to me to include my two young children. I knew in the state of Illinois the chances of me gaining custody of them was slim at best. I was also aware that I was on the short list of being tagged with a 3 year overseas assignment which would result in me hardly ever getting to see my kids. At the time, I would have rather been dead than to face a life without them in it. These thoughts and fears consumed me every day and night. I could not envision a life without my children, so after a very long battle with severe depression, which by the way I tried very hard to hide from everyone in fear it would further destroy my military career, I made the decision to end my life. I thought, I had everything planned to the finest detail. I would wait until my children departed for school and then proceed to the guest bedroom located in our basement, insert a shot gun shell into my gun chamber, pull the trigger and escape all the madness.
I knew my Non-Commissioned Officer in Charge (NCOIC) would call my house once I did not report for duty and would eventually drive to my house to check on me. Once he arrived at my residence, he would find my front door wide open and hear the very loud music I had playing in an attempt to drown out the gun shot. I was certain he would (NOT my children) find my lifeless body lying in a pool of blood with my face blown off. Everything was going as planned on that fateful day, I kissed my children goodbye for what I thought would be the last time. Tears ran uncontrollably down my face which did not overly concern my kids, because they were growing cold to all the drama and turmoil a divorce inflicts on a family. I remember watching them both walk down the street until they eventually disappeared from sight. The feelings I was experiencing at that exact moment was immense shame, guilt, hurt, and a haunting loneliness. I remember walking away from the front door and heading downstairs in a complete haze. I cranked the volume up on my Kenwood system and then entered the guest bedroom. I remember loading my shotgun chamber and inserting the barrel into my mouth. I began shaking uncontrollably and just when I was about to pull the trigger I heard a very loud voice shouting “WHAT THE HELL ARE YOU DOING?” I looked up and saw my neighbor running frantically in my direction. I dropped my shotgun at that exact moment and began to cry as my neighbor wrapped his arms around my trembling body. I had never been so ashamed and embarrassed in my life. I really cannot explain what happened to my thought process during that ordeal but I realized I wanted to live and not die. I called my NCOIC and told him I needed help, so he immediately made arrangements with the base hospital that same day for me to get some much needed professional help.
I am not going to lie to you and say it was an easy recovery, because it was not. It was instead a very long and at times painful process, but once I was able to regain my self confidence and dignity there was no mountain high enough to stop my conquest to succeed in life. Thankfully once recovered, no matter how hard times became in my life, I never experienced that gloom, doom and fearful feeling again. Over the course of the past twenty years, I have achieved a level of success both personally and professionally that at one time in my life I only dreamed of. I eventually found love again and have four healthy loving children and to date have been blessed with three wonderful grandchildren. I am a retired Air Force Veteran, Author, Cross Domain Solutions Analyst, and Speaker who tries his absolute best to help others.
Reflecting back, if my neighbor did not walk in on me at that exact moment in my life, I would have been remembered as a troubled Air Force airman who left behind two innocent children by committing suicide. I would have missed out on so many wonderful moments in my life. Please believe me when I say there is not a day that goes by that I do not thank the LORD for sparing my life on that dreaded day back in 1996. I am asking you now my beloved Brother and Sister, to reconsider your decision to end your life and instead join me with helping others like us who so desperately need a fresh start in life.
In summation, it was very difficult to put my troubled past in ink for all to read. That particular period in my life was by far the most painful, depressing, and psychological damaging time of my life, but I felt the need to share my story to let my fellow Comrades know death is not the only option. If you do not trust me that’s ok but please trust in the LORD. It is my belief that if you truly do, your life will turn around for you. I will be praying for you…
Brian Scott Sherman
Belleville, IL
From Wikipedia: In August 2016, the VA released a new report which consisted of the nation’s largest analysis of Veteran Suicide. The report reviewed more than 55 million Veterans’ records from 1979 to 2014 from every state in the nation. The previous report from 2012 was primarily limited to data on Veterans who used VHA health services or from mortality records obtained directly from 20 states and approximately 3 million records. Compared to the data from the 2012 report, which estimated the number of Veteran deaths by suicide to be 22 per day, the current analysis indicates that in 2014, an average of 20 Veterans a day died from suicide.
The total number of suicides differs by age group; 31% of these suicides were by veterans 49 and younger while 69% were by veterans aged 50 and older. As with suicides in general, suicide of veterans is primarily male, with about 97 percent of the suicides being male in the states that reported gender.
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder, or PTSD, is a psychiatric disorder that can occur following the experience or witnessing of life-threatening events such as military combat, natural disasters, terrorist incidents, serious accidents, or violent personal assaults like rape.
People who suffer from PTSD often relive the experience through nightmares and flashbacks, have difficulty sleeping, and feel detached or estranged, and these symptoms can be severe enough and last long enough to significantly impair the person’s daily life.
If you or a loved one are in emotional distress, please call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255). We are here to help 24/7. You are not alone. Help is available. Veterans should press option 1.
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So, what is a Gyrene? I remember hearing this term for Marines while growing up in the 50’s & 60’s, but can honestly say that I haven’t heard it once since leaving Vietnam – that is until recently when I stumbled across it. Doing so, I thought it would be fun to research “Gyrene” and then put what I found out for my readers. So, here goes!
This word predates WWI 1890’s and at time when the USMC was smaller than the NY police force. The most common definition is that it is a combination of GI and Marine. Like the words Leatherneck, Jarhead, Devil Dogs, they were all thought to be derogatory, but later debunked.
During WWI the Marines fought with such ferocity and valor that they were called GI’s. A marine doesn’t want to be called a GI he wants to be called a Marine so they mixed the two to for Gyrene (GI-Marine).
Here’s a quote taken from the 1919 Literary Digest:
“If you a find a feller with a rooster on top of the earth on his hat he’s one of those “Gyrenes” and look out, he’s a BAD man. Marines had clearly earned a reputation of being tough and to steer clear of them.”
Dr. Johnathan Lighter – Historical dictionary: “…perhaps a jocular adaptation of a greek word “guironus” which translates to Polywag or tadpole. Many similar words meaning the same in Portuguese, Italian, and Latin – all spelled similarly and meaning tadpole.”
The above facts were transposed from a clip of a radio talk show call-in asking about the word “Gyrene.” Click the link below to hear the actual conversation (less than 5 min.):
Probably the best description that I’ve come across for the word Marine comes from the Urban Dictionary:
The USMC is over 241 years of romping, stomping, hell, death and destruction. The finest fighting machine the world has ever seen. We were born in a bomb crater, our Mother was an M-16, and our Father was the Devil. Each moment that I live is an additional threat upon your life. I am a rough looking, roving soldier of the sea. I am cocky, self-centered, overbearing, and do not know the meaning of fear, for I am fear itself. I am a green amphibious monster, made of blood and guts, who arose from the sea, feasting on anti-Americans throughout the globe. Whenever it may arise, and when my time comes, I will die a glorious death on the battlefield, giving my life for Mom, the Corps, and the American Flag. We stole the eagle from the Air Force, the anchor from the Navy, and the rope from the Army. On the 7th day, while God rested, we over-ran his perimeter and stole the globe, and we’ve been running the show ever since. We live like soldiers and talk like sailors and slap the Hell out of both of them. Soldier by day, lover by night, drunkard by choice, MARINE BY GOD!!! OORAH!!!
I cherry-picked some responses from this original post to give you a feel for what others had to say about Marines:
No better friend, no worse enemy.
First to go. Last to know.
The Marines I have seen around the world have the cleanest bodies, the filthiest minds, the highest morale, and the lowest morals of any group of animals I have ever seen. Thank God for the United States Marine Corps!
-Eleanor Roosevelt
A volunteer branch of the United States Armed Services who historically have protected, are protecting and will continue to protect the freedom and rights of all Americans. The same brave men and women who help to uphold the first amendment right that allows us various freedoms, such as the freedom to submit slang terms to this site.
The duty of the United States Marine Corps is to uphold the freedoms that all Americans enjoy.
When you absolutely, positively need something blown up before noon, this is your team. They always remember to bring their Corpsman to keep them alive.
They only have 2 jobs to do;
1) Take the land of our enemies, and
2) Kill all who try to stop them from doing job #1.
Follow the dust and smoke to find the fallen terrorists the Marines just killed.
Soldiers: We fight on land
Airmen: We attack from above
Sailors: We fight on Sea
Marines: We do everything the other guys do. We just do it better.
The unholy angels of death and destruction who’s sole purpose is to wreak the vengeance of freedom and liberty upon those who oppose it.
A Green amphibious monster who breaks things and blows shit up – The deadliest and most feared weapon on the battlefield – Killer of many and tolerates no bullshit (Iraqi definition).
A smaller more pissed off army talking navy lingo (Army definition).
The Marines are the first into a battle ground, the Army joins to help the advance, greatly. The Navy secures the shores and fires artillery salvos, and the Air Force provides much needed fire support on high-risk operations. Combined, the force of the US Military surpasses most foes it will encounter.
The Navy’s equivalent of infantry, Marines specializes in amphibious warfare, rapid deployment and small squad tactics. The United States Marines are noted for their intensive training, marksmanship with the rifle and undying fighting spirit. Under the mantra ” Every Marine is a rifleman” all marines are held to the same combat standards regardless of specialization. From cooks to pilots every Marine is a highly trained infantryman capable of fighting in any environment, at any moment. This fact is proven time and time again when Marines defeat much larger and better equipped enemy forces.
You could probably guess that most of the comments above were written by Marines or their family. Of course, many of the comments were derogatory about the other branches of service – I chose not to use any of them herein. However, it is true that when groups of veterans get together, there is always playful banter shared between them about the other branches of service. It’s all in fun and a right we’ve earned – because at the end, we are all brothers and stand tall next to one another. Semper Fi, y’all!
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‘Peace With Honor’: 25 Stunning Photos to soon Mark the 44th Anniversary of the U.S. Withdrawal From Vietnam
First Lt. Gary D. Jackson of Dayton, Ohio, carries a wounded South Vietnamese Ranger to an ambulance Feb. 6, 1968 after a brief but intense battle with the Viet Cong during the Tet Offensive near the National Sports Stadium in the Cholon section of Saigon. (AP Photo/Dang Van Phuoc)
On March 29, 1973, the last U.S. combat troops left South Vietnam, a full two months after the signing of the Vietnam peace agreement, bringing a close to one of America’s most divisive and heartbreaking chapters
“[R]epresentatives of the United States, North and South Vietnam, and the Vietcong signed [the] peace agreement in Paris,” the History Channel notes on its website.
“Its key provisions included a cease-fire throughout Vietnam, the withdrawal of U.S. forces, the release of prisoners of war, and the reunification of North and South Vietnam through peaceful means,” the report adds. “The South Vietnamese government was to remain in place until new elections were held, and North Vietnamese forces in the South were not to advance further nor be reinforced.”
Of course, as we know now, the “peace” agreement didn’t hold.
“Even before the last American troops departed on March 29, the communists violated the cease-fire, and by early 1974 full-scale war had resumed,” the History Chanel claims.
“At the end of 1974, South Vietnamese authorities reported that 80,000 of their soldiers and civilians had been killed in fighting during the year, making it the most costly of the Vietnam War,” it adds.
As we pause to remember all the good men, women and children who were touched by this terrible conflict, and as we prepare for the New Year weekend, I thought to share these 25 stunning photos from the conflict in Vietnam:
25. Chopper Down
A U.S. crewman runs from a crashed CH-21 Shawnee troop helicopter near the village of Ca Mau in the southern tip of South Vietnam, Dec. 11, 1962. Two helicopters crashed without serious injuries during a government raid on the Viet Cong-infiltrated area. Both helicopters were destroyed to keep them out of enemy hands. (AP Photo/Horst Faas)
24. Mercy
A father holds the body of his child as South Vietnamese Army Rangers look down from their armored vehicle March 19, 1964. The child was killed as government forces pursued guerrillas into a village near the Cambodian border. (AP Photo/Horst Faas)
23. Daylight
The sun breaks through dense jungle foliage as South Vietnamese troops, joined by U.S. advisers, rest after a cold, damp and tense night of waiting in an ambush position for a Viet Cong attack that didn’t come, January 1965. (Horst Faas/AP).
22. The Strain
The strain of battle for Dong Xoai is shown on the face of U.S. Army Sgt. Philip Fink, an advisor to the 52nd Vietnamese Ranger battalion, shown June 12, 1965. The unit bore the brunt of recapturing the jungle outpost from the Viet Cong. (AP Photo/Steve Stibbens)
21. Flushing Out Guerrillas
A South Vietnamese soldier uses the end of a dagger to beat a farmer for allegedly supplying government troops with inaccurate information about the movement of Viet Cong guerrillas in a village west of Saigon, Vietnam. (AP Photo/Horst Faas, File).
20. War Birds
Hovering U.S. Army helicopters pour machine gun fire into a tree line to cover the advance of South Vietnamese ground troops in an attack on a Viet Cong camp 18 miles north of Tay Ninh, northwest of Saigon near the Cambodian border, in Vietnam in March of 1965. (AP Photo/Horst Faas).
19. Youth
A young Marine private waits on the beach during the Marine landing, Da Nang, Vietnam, August 3, 1965. (U.S. Marine Corps.)
18. War Is All Hell
A napalm strike erupts in a fireball near U.S. troops on patrol in South Vietnam in 1966 during the Vietnam War. (AP Photo).
17. Publicly Validating Each Other
Demonstrators in Berkeley, California march against the war in Vietnam in December of 1965. Returning veterans were often treated with extreme hostility by anti-war protesters. (AP Photo).
16. Death From Above
An Air Force F-100D Super Sabre aircraft fires a salvo of 2.75-inch rockets against an enemy position in South Vietnam on January 1st, 1967. (US Department of Defense)
15. War Is All Hell II
During Operation “Bushmaster”, a member of Company “L”, (Ranger), 75th Infantry, wearing camouflage makeup sits alone with his thoughts while waiting to participate in an assault mission against North Vietnamese Army (NVA) forces in Vietnam in August of 1971. (US Department of Defense/SP4 John L. Hennesey, 221st Sig Co).
14. Semper Fi
U.S. Marines emerge from their muddy foxholes at sunrise after a third night of fighting against continued attacks of north Vietnamese 324 B division troops during the Vietnam War on Sept. 21, 1966. (AP Photo/Henri Huet).
13. ‘Semper’ Means ‘Semper’
A marine helps his wounded comrade to cover despite North Vietnamese fire during battle on May 15, 1967 in the western sector of “Leatherneck Square” south of the demilitarized zone in South Vietnam. (AP Photo/John Schneider).
12. Stars & Stripes
Dak To, Vietnam, First Sgt. Benjamin Reynolds and 1st Sgt. Robert M. Baker, both of Co. B, 3rd Bn., 12th Infantry, 4th Infantry Division, raise the American flag on Hill No. 927 on December 5th, 1967. (US Department of Defense/Spec. 4 R. Abeyta).
11. Battlefield
Unaware of incoming enemy round, a South Vietnamese photographer made this picture of a South Vietnamese trooper dug in at Hai Van, South of Hue, Nov. 20, 1972. Camera caught the subsequent explosion before the soldier had time to react. (AP Photo).
10. Enduring Pain
A wounded U.S. paratrooper grimaces in pain while waiting for medical evacuation at base camp in the A Shau Valley near the Laos border in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Photo taken by then AP photographer Hugh Van Es on May 19, 1969. (AP Photo/Hugh Van Es).
9. Cold Fear
A Viet Cong prisoner awaits interrogation at the A-109 Special Forces Detachment in Thuong Duc, Vietnam, (25 km west of Da Nang), 23 January 1967. (AFP PHOTO/National Archives).
8. Tending to the Wounded
First Cavalry Division Medic Thomas Cole, from Richmond, Va., looks up with his one uncovered eye as he continues to treat a wounded Staff Sgt. Harrison Pell during a January 1966 firefight in the Central Highlands between U.S. troops and a combined North Vietnamese and Vietcong force. (AP Photo/Henri Huet).
7. The Agony of Loss
In this June 1965 photo, South Vietnamese civilians, among the few survivors of two days of heavy fighting, huddle together in the aftermath of a battle to retake a Vietcong-held post at Dong Xoai, Vietnam. (Photo by AP Photo/Horst Faas).
6. Medics Dedicated
Trying to avoid intense sniper fire, two American medics carry a wounded paratrooper to an evacuation helicopter during the Vietnam War on June 24, 1965. A company of paratroopers dropped directly into a Viet Cong staging area in the jungle near Thoung Lang, Vietnam. The medics are, Gerald Levy, left, of New York; and PFC Andre G. Brown of Chicago. The wounded soldier is not identified. (Photo by AP Photo/Horst Faas).
5. Innocence
A U.S. infantryman from A Company, 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry carries a crying child from Cam Xe village after dropping a phosphorous grenade into a bunker cleared of civilians during an operation near the Michelin rubber plantation northwest of Saigon, August 22, 1966. A platoon of the 1st Infantry Division raided the village, looking for snipers that had inflicted casualties on the platoon. GIs rushed about 40 civilians out of the village before artillery bombardment ensued. (Photo by AP Photo/Horst Faas).
4. Gazing Upon Massacre
A young South Vietnamese woman covers her mouth as she stares into a mass grave where victims of a reported Viet Cong massacre were being exhumed near Dien Bai village, east of Hue, in April 1969. The woman’s husband, father and brother had been missing since the Tet Offensive, and were feared to be among those killed by Communist forces. (Photo by AP Photo/Horst Faas).
3. ‘Hazardous to Your Health’
A U.S. Marine shows a message written on the back of his flack vest at the Khe Sanh combat base in Vietnam on Feb. 21, 1968 during the Vietnam War. The quote reads, “Caution: Being a Marine in Khe Sanh may be hazardous to your health.” Khe Sanh had been subject to increased rocket and artillery attacks from the North Vietnamese troops in the area. (AP Photo/Rick Merron).
2. Out In the Open
U.S. Air Force bombs create a curtain of flying shrapnel and debris barely 200 feet beyond the perimeter of South Vietnamese ranger positions defending Khe Sanh during the siege of the U.S. Marine base, March 1968. (AP Photo/ARVN, Maj. Nguyen Ngoc Hanh).
1. Resurrection
Released prisoner of war Lt. Col. Robert L. Stirm is greeted by his family at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, Calif., as he returns home from the Vietnam War, March 17, 1973. In the lead is Stirm’s daughter Lorrie, 15, followed by son Robert, 14; daughter Cynthia, 11; wife Loretta and son Roger, 12. (AP Photo/Sal Veder).
This article was originally published on “Theblaze dot com” on March 29, 2013 by Becket Adams. Follow Becket Adams (@BecketAdams) on Twitter
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The Vietnam War lasted from 1 November 1955 to 30 April 1975, officially between North Vietnam (North Vietnam) and South Vietnam (South Vietnam). In reality, it was an international war between the French at first and then the United States and its allies on the side of South Vietnam, and the Communist Bloc on the side of North Vietnam.
The US believed it was saving Vietnam from Communism while North Vietnam saw it as an extension of their fight for independence against colonial rule.
To counteract the superior armed and technology of the United States, North Vietnam combined modern weaponry with guerrilla tactics to deadly effect. The most notable battles in that conflict are as follows:
1. Battle of Ấp Bắc
This UH-1 gunship was one of five shot down at the Battle of Ấp Bắc.
On 28 December 1961, US intelligence discovered that a large group of North Vietnamese Army (North Vietnam Army) were near the village of Ấp Bắc – deep in South Vietnam territory. The Army of the Republic of South Vietnam (ARVN) 7th Infantry were therefore ordered to destroy them with superior American weapons and training
On 2 January 1963, US helicopters dropped the ARVN near the village, but it was a disaster. The South Vietnam were defeated, while five American helicopters were destroyed. More had to be brought in to rescue the surviving ARVN.
The US realized that it had to get more involved.
2. Battle of Pleiku
Camp Holloway before the attack in 1965.
In 1964 the Gulf of Tonkin Incident happened – it was claimed that a US ship was attacked by the North Vietnamese though it turned out much later that no attack had taken place. This gave them the excuse to bomb North Vietnam, forcing the Soviets to get involved. North Vietnam retaliated by attacking bases in South Vietnam.
The following year, the Viet Cong (VC) 409th Battalion attacked Camp Holloway (an American helicopter base) in Pleiku on February 6, while the VC 30th Company attacked a South Vietnam Army base on February 7.
These attacks convinced a reluctant President Johnson into escalating America’s involvement in Vietnam. As a result, China and Cuba were forced to do the same.
3. Battle of Van Tuong
Viet Cong prisoners under guard by US Marines on 1 August 1965 south of Chu Lai. In the background is a Sikorsky UH-34D Seahorse helicopter
Also called Operation Starlite, this was the first purely American assault on the VC, which took place on 18 August 1965. A VC defector claimed that North Vietnam was planning to attack the American Chu Lai Air Base from Van Tuong, so it was decided to launch a preemptive strike.
The Americans launched their assault near the border with North Vietnam using helicopters, tanks, and naval ships. Fighting ended on August 24 with a US victory after killing 614 VC, while the Americans lost 45.
North Vietnam claimed that it had won, however, since they kept the US forces out of their territory.
4. Battle of Ia Drang
Major Bruce P. Crandall’s UH-1D helicopter unloading infantrymen on a search and destroy mission at La Drang Valley
This was the first major battle between US forces and North Vietnam in 1965. In October, the VC attacked the Special Forces camp at Plei Me, the US launched three counterattacks to cut them off from their retreat to Cambodia and destroy them.
Ia Drang was part of the second phase from November 14 to 18 when the VC launched a conventional attack on US forces that deployed by helicopter close to their main supply bases and the border. Instead of employing their usual guerrilla tactics they went head to head trying to overrun the Americans. They were beaten off and despite high casualties, both sides declared a victory.
It taught the Americans to stick to their superior air power, and the VC to stick to guerrilla warfare.
5. Battle of Khe Sanh
The North Vietnam Army shelling the US base at Khe Sanh
On 21 January 1968, the VC shelled the US Marine garrison at Khe San, and continued doing so until July 9. The VC surrounded the base and used anti-aircraft missiles to prevent planes and helicopters from providing reinforcements.
It was only in March that Operation Pegasus (a land-based rescue) was able to provide reinforcements and supplies. It could not, however, remove the personnel. It took Operation Charlie on June 19 to do that after heavy shelling of the VC.
General Giap said that Khe Sanh was just a distraction, which allowed North Vietnam to position their troops deeper into the South.
6. Tet Offensive
Fire trucks trying to put out fires in Saigon from the Tet Offensive
With the US and South Vietnamese soldiers focused on Khe Sanh, North Vietnam launched attacks on over 100 towns and cities in South Vietnam on 30 January 1968 to coincide with Tet, the Vietnamese New Year. VC and Communist sympathizers attacked military bases, government offices, and foreign embassies. They also executed thousands of civilians.
The attacks continued until March 28 when they were finally repelled. Though North Vietnam lost, it won a major psychological victory. Back in the US, support for the war waned and calls to withdraw from Vietnam grew louder.
This was the turning point and the start of South Vietnam’s defeat.
7. Battle of Hamburger Hill
The 29th North Vietnam Army had entrenched themselves on Hamburger Hill in South Vietnam; a joint US-South Vietnamese force was ordered to remove them. The assault began on 10 May 1969 with the 101st Airborne Division and troops of the 9th Marine Regiment, the 5th Cavalry Regiment, and the 3rd ARVN Regiment. Despite heavy losses, they captured the hill on May 20. Instead of securing it, however, they were ordered to withdraw, causing outrage and further eroding support for the war. North Vietnamese soldiers moved back onto the hill during the following week.
It also forced the US into rethinking their military strategy of “maximum pressure” against the North Vietnam into one of “protective reaction.”
8. Easter Offensive
North Vietnamese military shelling the city of Kon Tum.
To end the war, the Paris Peace Accords were scheduled for 27 January 1973. To increase their bargaining power at those talks and further pressure the US into pulling out, North Vietnam launched a major offensive in South Vietnam on 30 March 1972.
They seized the cities of Quảng Trị, Huế, An Lộc, and Kon Tum. The US responded by carpet bombing North Vietnam, and though South Vietnam recaptured Quảng Trị, it lost 10% of its territory to North Vietnam.
Fighting ended on October 22. North Vietnam was repelled, but they kept their newly occupied territory and got their bargaining chip.
9. Battle of Xuân Lộc
South Vietnamese soldiers posing with captured enemy flags.
Having captured strategic positions in South Vietnam during the Easter Offensive, North Vietnam continued to take more of South Vietnam’s northern territories. On 9 April 1975, they entered Đồng Nai Province, the final swath which led to Saigon, South Vietnam’s capital.
The ARVN 18th Infantry Division lodged themselves in the town of Xuân Lộc and were able to block the North Vietnam Army’s advance for almost twelve days. Then on April 21, the South Vietnam president ordered them to retreat so they could focus on Saigon’s defense.
Chaos resulted as the ARVN and civilians fled toward the capital while the North Vietnam Army harassed them.
10. The Fall of Saigon
US Marine Private First Class Forrest M. Turner, Jr. covering a Sikorsky CH-53 helicopter landing at the Defense Attaché Office compound in Saigon on 29 April 1975
When Xuân Lộc fell, all order collapsed. Hoping to find safety in American-held Saigon, the ARVN, and South Vietnam civilians made a chaotic retreat from the advancing North Vietnam Army.
Even if the US nuked North Vietnam, it wouldn’t matter. Xuân Lộc was only 26 miles away, so the North Vietnam Army and the VC were already at their doorstep. By April 27, Saigon was surrounded. On April 29, the shelling began, and the following day, the North Vietnam Army entered the capital.
The orderly evacuation of Americans and South Vietnam civilians devolved into chaos, but the Vietnam War finally ended on April 30.
11. Battle of Firebase Ripcord
Fire Support Base Ripcord was situated atop a high mountain overlooking the A Shau Valley. It was designed to provide support for a new allied thrust, but was besieged for nearly a month in July 1970.
The Battle of Fire Support Base Ripcord was a four month long battle between elements of the U.S. Army 101st Airborne Division and two reinforced divisions of the North Vietnamese Army March 12 to July 23, 1970.
In an attempt to retake the initiative, the 101st was to rebuild the abandoned Fire Support Base Ripcord in the A Shau Valley. For this, they relied heavily on the helicopter, for support in the difficult terrain. The firebase was set on four hilltops and was to be used as outposts for a planned offensive by the Marines to search and destroy the NVA supply lines in the mountains overlooking the valley.
While the members of the 101st division were rebuilding the base and preparing the attack on the enemy supply lines, the NVA was secretly gathering intelligence. They launched sporadic attacks from March 12 until June 30. It is estimated that as much as 25,000 NVA troops were positioned in the A Shau Valley area at the time.
On the morning of July 1, 1970, the NVA started firing mortars at the firebase. They began to besiege the Americans in the firebase. During the siege that lasted for 23 days, 75 US servicemen were killed. The battle for the hilltops raged for days. The 101st was surrounded, outnumbered almost ten to one and running low on supplies. It was only the high ground and the bravery of its defenders that kept the enemy from overrunning the firebase.
It was the last major confrontation between United States ground forces and North Vietnam of the Vietnam War. The final death toll of the battle was 138 American soldiers and 3 men missing in action.
Three Medals of Honor and five Distinguished Service Crosses were awarded to the men who fought at Ripcord.
12. Battle of Dak To
22 Nov 1967, Dak To, South Vietnam — In Battle. A member of the 173rd Airborne Brigade crouches beside the body of a dead comrade and equipment left by wounded at the height of the battle on Hill 875. U.S. Army paratroopers of the 173rd Airborne Brigade began a final assault up the bloody slopes of Hill 875.
In some of the heaviest fighting seen in the Central Highlands area, heavy casualties are sustained by both sides in bloody battles around Dak To, about 280 miles north of Saigon near the Cambodian border.
The 1,000 U.S. troops there were reinforced with 3,500 additional troops from the U.S. 4th Division and the 173rd Airborne Brigade. They faced four communist regiments of about 6,000 troops. The climax of the operation came in a savage battle from November 19-22 for Hill 875, 12 miles southwest of Dak To. The 173rd was victorious, forcing the North Vietnamese to abandon their last defensive line on the ridge of Hill 875, but the victory was a costly one because the paratroopers suffered the loss of 135 men, 30 of whom died as a result of an accidental U.S. air strike on U.S. positions. In the 19 days of action, North Vietnam fatalities were estimated at 1,455. Total U.S. casualties included 285 killed, 985 wounded, and 18 missing.
During this battle, the North Vietnamese failed to achieve one of their main objectives, which was the destruction of an American unit. They came close, but the Americans, despite heavy losses, had achieved the true victory: they mauled three enemy regiments so badly that they were unavailable for the Tet Offensive that the Communists launched in late January 1968.
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For the past 35 years the US Army and the North Vietnamese have claimed victory in the October to November 1965 Ia Drang Valley Battle. While the United States side of the battle has been extensively documented, the Vietnamese version has remained obscure.
Although heavily colored by communist hagiography and propaganda, recently published People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) accounts provide answers to many questions and acknowledge a number of North Vietnamese Army (NVA) mistakes and command failures. When added to information from US sources, these accounts reveal how greatly the fog of war, over optimism and blind fate influenced the battle.
The B3 Front Plan
According to PAVN, the Ia Drang Battle grew out of the B3 (Central Highlands) Front’s plan to lure US and South Vietnamese forces into battle on terms favorable to the communists. The plan included besieging the remote Plei Me border outpost south of Pleiku in South Vietnam’s Central Highlands and forcing US and South Vietnamese forces to come to the rescue. The goal was to annihilate five or six US companies.
The NVA 320th and 33d Regiments were to launch the campaign, but one of the NVA’s finest units, the 304th Division would reinforce the B3 Front. In August 1965 the 304th received orders to move south to the Central Highlands. The 304th’s lead element, the 66th Regiment, was scheduled to arrive in time for the campaign’s final phase.
Aware they could not match newly arrived US forces. power, NVA commanders knew their strategy was risky. During political indoctrination sessions before the campaign began, 320th Regiment troops expressed serious doubts.
Plei Me Special Forces Camp
Stunning Blows
The troops had reason to be skeptical. The 33d Regiment, launching the Plei Me siege on 19 October 1965, was stunned by unexpectedly powerful US air strikes that inflicted heavy losses and totally disrupted communications between regimental headquarters and forward units. After the battle, B3 Front headquarters admitted that this loss of communications with front-line units severely hampered its ability to make timely and informed command decisions during this phase of the battle.
The 320th Regiment’s ambush of a large South Vietnamese relief column on 23 October also resulted in heavy NVA casualties. On 26 October, two days after the 1st Brigade, 1st US Cavalry Division, arrived in Pleiku, the B3 Front commander decided that discretion was the better part of valor and ordered troops back to the Ia Drang base area.
From 24 October to 9 November, 1st Brigade, 1st US Cavalry Division, heliborne airmobile elements fought a series of engagements against retreating communist troops in the Ia Drang Valley. The 33d Regiment bore the brunt of the US attacks. The regimental hospital was overrun on 1 November. On 4 November, US 2d Squadron, 12th US Cavalry Regiment forces engaged two 33d Regiment, 3d Battalion companies in a stiff battle. On 6 November, two 2d Squadron, 8th US Cavalry Regiment companies estimated several hundred NVA 1st and 2d Battalion, 33d Regiment forces killed. Twenty-six US soldiers were killed; 53 were wounded.
The B3 Front viewed the 4 and 6 November engagements as victories and claimed that from 29 October to 9 November five US platoons had been annihilated and that 385 US troops were killed or wounded. Actual 1st Brigade losses were 59 men killed and 196 wounded.The NVA 33d Regiment suffered catastrophic losses, being reduced to less than half its authorized strength.
Post battle NVA analyses conclude that US helicopter leap-frog attacks into the heart of the base area had thrown the NVA back onto the defensive, disrupted command and control, and prevented the NVA from concentrating forces. The US 1st Brigade withdrew, setting the stage for the arrival of the two principal participants in the Ia Drang Battle: the 1st US Cavalry Division’s 3d Brigade and the NVA’s 66th Regiment.
The Battle Heats Up
The NVA attacked on 12 November. Twenty-six NVA sappers, armed with four mortars and guided by local guerrillas, raided the new 3d Brigade Headquarters at the Catecka Tea Plantation, killing seven US soldiers and wounding 23. Earlier, on the Ho Chi Minh Trail, the 66th Regiment had dropped its heavy equipment, lightened its packs and proceeded by forced march to the battlefield. The 66th crossed into South Vietnam on 1 November and headed for assembly areas. During the approach the regiment suffered its first losses. On 3 November, the 8th Battalion was ambushed by a US reconnaissance patrol, provoking a vicious night engagement that led the 8th Battalion to believe it had annihilated a US platoon.
On 10 November, the 66th Regiment arrived at the Chu Pong Massif on the southwestern side of the Ia Drang Valley near the Cambodian border. The Chu Pong, a massive terrain feature, housed B3 Front Headquarters, its support units and supply warehouses. The regimental headquarters and the 7th Battalion occupied adjacent bivouac areas on the mountain’s southeastern face. Five kilometers away, the 9th Battalion occupied the eastern face. The 8th Battalion established a base in the Ia Drang Valley itself, perhaps eight miles away. Although tired and hungry from the long forced march, the troops began building huts, digging fortifications and transporting rice and ammunition from the B3 Front’s supply caches.
While the 66th Regiment’s battalions were at almost full strength. 500 men with from 120 to 125 men per company and well-equipped with AK-47 and SKS rifles, light and medium machineguns, RPGs, 82-millimeter mortars and recoilless rifles, Central Highlands jungles were foreign to them. Most of the men were as unfamiliar with the terrain as US troops were.
The 1st Battalion, 7th US Cavalry, arrived at landing zone (LZ) X-Ray, a clearing less than one kilometer below the 9th Battalion’s positions. This fact played a significant role in the coming battle.
NVA histories reveal that contrary to claims that the NVA lured US troops into a trap, the NVA were completely surprised by US troops’ 14 November landing at LZ X-Ray. When the first US helicopters arrived, 66th Regiment and 9th Battalion commanders were surveying the terrain several kilometers away on the banks of the Ia Drang River. The 66th Regiment Political Officer Ngoc Chau and the 9th Battalion’s deputy political officer were also away from their offices.
From his new headquarters atop the Chu Pong, B3 Front Forward Commander Nguyen Huu An watched in dismay as US air strikes and artillery blasted the 9th Battalion area and as waves of US helicopters swooped out of sight behind the mountain. Once on the ground, 7th US Cavalry troops advanced straight up the slopes of the Chu Pong toward 9th Battalion positions.
Under heavy bombardment, unable to see what was happening because of the thick jungle vegetation and with its forward outposts eliminated in the initial US attack, the 9th Battalion did not detect approaching US troops until they were only 100 meters away. US troops advanced in two columns, one headed for 9th Battalion’s 11th Company; the other headed for the 9th Battalion Headquarters area. Just as the shooting began, the 9th Battalion almost collapsed.
Acting on his own, the 11th Company commander launched a fierce counterattack against US troops, but the 9th Battalion political officer, who in the absence of the military commander was in charge of the battalion, panicked. He bolted from the command post, leaving the battalion leaderless.
A lesser unit might have broken and run, but 9th Battalion troops were among the NVA’s best. A first lieutenant, the senior officer left in the command post, immediately took charge. Calling for help from the unengaged 13th Company, he ordered all headquarters personnel. cooks, runners and medics to grab weapons and fight. One by one, the battalion’s four companies joined the battle as work details returned and commanders pieced together what was happening.
The 9th Battalion commander, racing back from the banks of the Ia Drang, reached the 11th Company an hour later but never returned to his command post, and he never reestablished contact with all of his units.
At 1700, US troops finally withdrew. The 9th Battalion’s units also began retreating, scattering in all directions. The 66th Regiment commander bypassed the 9th Battalion to return directly to his regimental command post, got lost and did not find his way back to his headquarters for two days.
Some isolated troops, not realizing their units had left, remained behind and continued to engage US forces in scattered fire fights until late that night. The 9th Battalion reported destroying one US company and crippling another. After the battle, the 9th Battalion commander was severely criticized for failing to regain control of his battalion and allowing it to disintegrate.
Meanwhile, B3 Front Forward Headquarters and the 66th Regiment were trying to control the battle. Learning that the commanders were not at their command posts, Deputy Regimental Commander Pham Cong Cuu, who was at 7th Battalion Headquarters when the attack occurred, alerted the battalion to prepare to move out.
Taking a group of 7th Battalion officers with him, Cuu went forward to assess the situation. He arrived in the 9th Battalion area in the early afternoon and found it in a state of confusion, with many wounded moving to the rear and no one sure what was going on. The wounded deputy battalion political officer could tell him only that the enemy troops were all US forces (no South Vietnamese) and that they were aggressive and well-armed.
Chau, arriving in the area later, encountered the 9th Battalion’s retreating 13th Company and directed it to leave one platoon behind to maintain contact with US forces. During the 66th Regiment commander’s absence, Chau assumed command.
Late in the afternoon, B3 Forward Headquarters ordered Chau to attack the US position with available forces. Chau sent 7th Battalion troops forward to join the scattered 9th Battalion elements. He placed Cuu in direct command of the assault.
Flares from planes light a field covered with dead and wounded of ambushed battalion of the U.S. 1st Cavalry Division in the Ia Drang Valley, Vietnam, November 18, 1965. During fierce battle that has been raging since Nov.14, 1965. Units of the division have been battling to hold its lines against what is estimated to be a regiment of North Vietnamese soldiers. Bodies of the slain soldiers were carried to this clearing with their gear to await evacuation by helicopter. (Rick Merron/AP Photo)
The attack was originally scheduled to begin at 0300 on 15 November, but because of the unfamiliar terrain and continuing US artillery bombardment, it was almost daylight before troops were in position. Two 7th Battalion companies and 9th Battalion elements prepared to assault one side of the US perimeter while the 7th Battalion’s weapons company deployed on the other side as a blocking force. This would also allow them to provide machinegun grazing fire across the position.
At this point it becomes difficult to reconcile NVA accounts with what actually happened. The accounts say 7th Battalion assault companies overran the US position and briefly swept the area before withdrawing at 0645 under heavy US air attack. Surviving US troops were said to have fled into the jungle.
Cuu claims he reported by radio to B3 Front Headquarters that his men had overrun the US position, captured more than 70 weapons and that he had 150 effectives left in his force, which indicated losses of from 300 to 400 men. Cuu admits B3 Front was at first incredulous about his report, asking if Cuu had personally checked the report or if he was just relaying reports from subordinate elements. In fact, a section of the 1st Battalion, 7th US Cavalry’s perimeter had been briefly overrun, but the penetration was quickly repaired and the US position held. Forty-two US soldiers were killed and 20 were wounded.
After what was thought to be a victory, the NVA attack force withdrew, leaving only one platoon behind to maintain contact with the US force. According to NVA accounts, the 66th Regiment’s commanders were unaware of a new US battalion’s arrival on foot: the 2/5 Cavalry, and the lost platoon’s rescue. They knew only of the incessant US bombing and shelling their stay-behind element endured and of the helicopters arriving at LZ X-Ray to evacuate bodies and bring in reinforcements.
The Second Attack
B3 Forward Headquarters ordered a second attack on LZ X-Ray and ordered the 33d Regiment to attack two nearby US artillery fire bases to support the LZ X-Ray attack a mission the 33d Regiment could not carry out. With most of 7th Battalion destroyed, the 66th Regiment was forced to use the 7th Regiment’s unblooded 3d Company and one platoon of 1st Company as the main assault elements, supported by the 7th Battalion’s heavy weapons.
At 2000 on 15 November, NVA troops reached the assembly area and went forward to attack positions. However, the stay-behind force had not noticed that US defenders had pulled their lines back 50 meters in the perimeter section that was the second assault’s primary target. This move, with the constant artillery bombardment, confused the attackers.
Not until 0300 on 16 November did NVA troops get close enough to US lines to launch an assault. Although they claim to have inflicted numerous casualties before being driven back, NVA historians acknowledge that the assault was largely unsuccessful. While US forces actually suffered only six wounded; the NVA sustained significant losses.
According to the Vietnamese, 7th Battalion, 66th Regiment elements returned to the area the night of 16 November to collect the dead and wounded but were detected and fired on, causing panicky US troops to fire wildly around the entire perimeter. This probably refers to an incident at first light on 16 November when US defenders at LZ X-Ray, firing a Mad Minute to preempt a dawn attack, flushed out a large group of NVA hiding close to the perimeter. Vietnamese accounts admit that after this attack the 7th and 9th Battalions were hors de combat: the 7th because of its horrendous losses and the 9th because its units were still scattered and disorganized after the haphazard retreat on 14 November.
Misperceptions engendered by the fog of war and the exaggerated victory claims that two NVA battalions made began a tragic chain of events. Although actual US losses were 79 killed and 121 wounded, NVA commanders believed the original US battalion at LZ X-Ray, the 7th US Cavalry, had been crippled. Blinded by US airstrikes and artillery, NVA commanders did not know that LZ X-Ray had been heavily reinforced, that the cavalry was being evacuated or that LZ X-Ray was to be abandoned the next day. Ignorant of these facts, An ordered the 66th Regiment’s 8th Battalion still fresh and waiting in the Ia Drang Valley to move south to finish off what he believed to be a crippled US battalion.
The 8th Battalion commander, Le Xuan Phoi, headed his men out on the evening of 16 November, but when US air and artillery strikes blocked his route, he was forced to stop and reorganize. At dawn the battalion moved out again, heading south in battle formation with the 8th Company acting as an advance guard some distance ahead of the main formation. The battalion’s main body followed: the battalion headquarters, two infantry companies, a weapons company and the regimental 12.7-millimeter heavy machinegun company, attached to the battalion for this operation.
For US troops left at LZ X-Ray, the night of 16-17 November passed quietly. The next morning the squadrons left LZ X-Ray on foot, heading north toward the artillery fire base at LZ Columbus about three miles away. While the 2/5th Cavalry proceeded directly to LZ Columbus, the 2/7th Cavalry.10 to 15 minutes behind .turned off about three kilometers out and headed for a clearing designated LZ Albany.
Having seen the hundreds of NVA bodies rotting in the sun around the perimeter and after the quiet night at LZ X-Ray, the troops assumed the NVA was finished. Nearly 2,000 NVA soldiers, almost an entire regiment, had been reported killed. After adding the number wounded, there should have been nothing left of the two NVA regiments. The march to LZ Albany would be just a walk in the sun.
Shortly before noon, the 2/7th Cavalry point element tripped over several hidden NVA soldiers who belonged to one of the five-man ambush teams from the 33d Regiment that had been assigned to cover potential helicopter landing zones. US troops captured two soldiers, but three escaped. The US column halted to interrogate the prisoners. Meanwhile, the NVA 8th Battalion’s main body, 1 kilometer behind its lead company, encountered NVA 1st Company, 1st Battalion, 33d Regiment elements. The escaped NVA soldiers reported that two US platoons were just ahead and moving in their direction. Phoi immediately sent a runner to recall his point company and began deploying for battle.
Poor visibility caused by thick vegetation and terrain hampered the NVA and US troops. Unaware he was facing a full US squadron and with little time, Phoi deployed from march formation. He put only the lead company on line, backed by the weapons company. He held the other units in reserve.
The US column again moved forward. Phoi waited until US soldiers were yards away before opening fire. The two lead US platoons were shattered. Behind them more US troops advanced, firing as they came. Only then did Phoi realize that the two platoons were not alone. He moved another infantry company up immediately behind the first, then attacked.
After receiving the battalion’s recall order and hearing the sounds of gunfire, 8th Company, on point, sped back toward the battle. The company’s lead platoon got lost and never made it into the fight. The other company ran straight into the US column’s rear and immediately attacked. Phoi now committed 7th Company, shifting it into a line alongside 6th Company. Meanwhile, two companies of the nearby 33d Regiment, led by Cuu, also entered the fray.
The NVA 8th Battalion was quickly decapitated. The commander died before the battle ended, and the political officer died within the first hour. Almost all company- and platoon-level officers lay dead or wounded. At an 8th Battalion squad leader’s request – an indication of how many 8th Battalion officers were down – the 1st Battalion, 33d Regiment, deputy commander assumed command of both battalions. Within hours he, too, was dead.
Leaving the bulk of the 2/7 US Cavalry trapped between and hopelessly intermingled with NVA forces hidden in the tall jungle grass, US forces at either end of the column regrouped into two separate perimeters. Virtually leaderless and under heavy US air and artillery attack, the surviving NVA troops, their hatred of Americans fueled by communist tales of US atrocities in South Vietnam and party exhortations to become heroic killers of Americans, mindlessly slaughtered US wounded.
Vietnamese accounts of the battle give contorted explanations of why so many US soldiers were shot in the head or in the back. A postwar review reveals that NVA commanders knew what really happened. During the battle there were “mistakes” in implementing the NVA policy on taking prisoners of war. The NVA took no prisoners.
The next day, US forces counted 403 NVA bodies and hundreds of weapons left on the battlefield. In this instance, however, the NVA claim to have annihilated a US battalion was not entirely without foundation. The 2/7th US Cavalry and attached units suffered 155 killed and 121 wounded. The encounter, which Vietnamese histories admit was completely accidental, was one of the war’s bloodiest battles.
On 18 November, the US artillery fire base at LZ Columbus was hit by an attack that was easily repelled. Three US soldiers were killed and 13 wounded in exchange for at least 27 dead NVA. This unsuccessful attack was the 33d Regiment’s belated effort to carry out the order it had been given three days before.
The regimental chief of staff commanded the attack. Because of poor reconnaissance, one battalion’s assault troops missed the perimeter entirely, hitting only thin air. Admitting serious morale problems, PAVN officers faulted the attack for inadequate coordination and the troops for not pressing the assault with sufficient resolution.
Ia Drang Valley
The campaign’s final battle was anticlimactic. On 20 November, South Vietnamese airborne forces, supported by US artillery, encountered the 320th Regiment’s 635th and 334th Battalions along the Cambodian border. The 635th.s commander, whose unit had suffered heavy losses during the South Vietnamese relief column ambush in October, refused to engage the enemy and retreated without authorization, leaving the sister battalion alone on the battlefield.
The two units lost hundreds of men and weapons, and it was several days before the 320th Regiment managed to reestablish contact with the 635th Battalion. A PAVN analysis admits the regiment did not accomplish its assigned mission.
The Aftermath
An NVA review of the campaign found that in their first major battle with US forces, NVA commanders had seriously underestimated their opponent. Specifically, the NVA had been surprised by the 1st US Cavalry Division’s armed helicopters’ firepower; the use of B-52s to tactically support ground troops; the power of the 1st Cavalry’s field artillery, which the NVA had believed would be unable to deploy and operate effectively in this roadless, jungle-covered region; and the incredible mobility of 1st Cavalry troopers who, even when their forces were caught at an initial disadvantage, used helicopters to concentrate rapidly and decisively to shift the balance of forces and turn the tide of battle.
The North Vietnamese were also disturbed by leadership problems that surfaced during this campaign. All three regimental commanders were censured for their conduct during the campaign. The 66th Regiment commander received a severe reprimand for failing to command his unit during the LZ X-Ray battle. The 33d Regiment Commander was criticized for failing to maintain contact with his troops during the siege at Plei Me, for not personally commanding the attack on LZ Columbus and for delegating all decision-making responsibility to subordinates. The 320th Regiment commander was cited for failing to personally conduct reconnaissance of the terrain before ambushing the South Vietnamese relief column and for clumsily handling his unit throughout the campaign.
A 1966 Central Highlands Front report claimed that in five major engagements with US forces between 14 and 18 November 1965, NVA forces killed 559 soldiers and wounded 669. PAVN histories claim the United States suffered 1,500 to 1,700 casualties during the Ia Drang Campaign.The US military estimates that 3,561 NVA were killed and more than 1,000 were wounded during engagements with the 1st Cavalry. The US Army estimated 305 killed and 524 wounded for the 35-day campaign. Neither side believes the other’s figures.
The US military viewed the battle as proof that its helicopter-assault tactics and strategy of attrition could win the war. The NVA saw in the heavy US casualties inflicted at LZ X-Ray and LZ Albany vindication for its belief that communist troops could also inflict sufficient pain on US forces. Clearly, each side saw only the results it wanted to see, and each thought it had hurt the other more than it had.
Later in the war, as firepower and attrition continued to take their toll, the NVA realized it suffered from a problem common to all the need for truthful reporting and a willingness to hear the truth. “Based on our experiences . . . we can see that reporting from subordinate commanders to their superiors did not accurately reflect the real situation. Successes were usually exaggerated and mistakes and failures were not reported. This had a not insignificant impact on our operations. It caused senior commanders to misjudge and misevaluate the situation, which in turn led them to make incorrect policy decisions and to set goals and objectives which were unattainable. . . . Commanders must listen to the opinions of subordinates. . . . They must not be afraid to hear negatives, they must not be willing to listen only to those things which are positive, and they must never accuse a subordinate of harboring harmful thoughts and opinions when the subordinate is only telling the truth. . . . Commanders . . . must not be afraid to discuss mistakes and failures. Time after time, after every victory we won, so often that it seemed to be the rule rather than the exception, we fell into the traps of subjectivism, over-eagerness and over-simplification”.
This story originally published on “Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association” by Merle L. Pribbenow in January, 2001. Here is the direct link for those wanting to look through the bibliography: http://www.generalhieu.com/e66pleime-2.htm
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John E. Harrison, a Vietnam Veteran, has his own website and publishes a variety of articles – some relate to his experiences during the War. John entered the U.S. Army as a private and then completed OCS, commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant and then sent to Vietnam. He was assigned to A Company, 3/506th, 101st Airborne and fought during the ’68 Tet Offensive. After Vietnam, John graduated from Georgetown University, practiced law and worked in Real Estate and Mortgage Banking for 30 yrs before becoming a High School History Teacher. This article is published with his permission. Direct links to Mr. Harrison’s website are listed at the end of this article. Please stop by and check out some of his work.
Battle is such a strange place to be. Each time is absolutely unique and two guys fighting right next to each other in a battle can still have totally differently experiences. It is a strange place and an extremely dangerous one as well. Any infantry battle is always intensely personal.
Leonard Cohen wrote the song “Hallelujah” many years ago. It took about 15 years before it got noticed, but now it is among the most covered songs ever. Even as well known as it is though, a good friend asked me the other day, “What is it about?” Like me he has heard it many times; he had even read the lyrics; but still he said he did not understand the song.
I say all this because like the song “Hallelujah”, battle itself is fundamentally an emotional experience. It is not what words in the song say. The song is actually about how you feel when you hear it. Battle is reason unbound and it cannot be fully understood or even appreciated by the rational part of our mind, but you can feel it.
Battle must be experienced in a flash. It is raw emotion. You will get that emotion in full when that first bullet cracks on its way by your skull. But battle is so much more than that first stark realization of merciless, personal, peril.
One night in the Cambodian Highlands we were climbing up a steep hill in thick jungle. It was brutal. Even so, as the point platoon, 2nd Platoon actually had it relatively easy compared to the others in Alpha Company. All we had to do was bust our way through thick jungle while climbing up a 60 to 80 degree slope.
However, as we did that we also broke what is called the surface tension of the ground underneath our boots and doing that released a lot of moisture. The ground itself was red clay, slippery red clay even before it became wet. After a while we were fighting for each upward step, and the guys behind us had to work even harder because each troop’s step made it more and more slippery for the trooper behind as the boots got heavier with each step as more and more mud attached itself to our boots.
As we pushed it, or cut it out of our way with machetes, we also used the vegetation on the mountain to pull our way up. We grabbed it. We stood on it. There was nothing else to hold on to. Soon we had stripped it of its greenery, leaving green slime on the branches. Soon even the thorns were gone, leaving a red slime as well. Then, the bark was gone too, leaving nothing to grab. Then it pulled out of the ground entirely. Then, when you put your boot down, you could actually slide down lower on the slope than where you had started.
We were all carrying probably about a hundred pounds each when you included your weapon, and the ammo strapped around you. The M-60 machine gunners, the grenadiers and the RTOs (Radio Telephone Operators) were carrying even more than that. As you slipped around on the slope that heavy pack on your back shifted as well, unbalancing you each time, and usually at precisely the wrong time.
Then the guy in front of you slipped and you had to stop him, and his pack from carrying both of you back down the mountain slope. People who have not done this may forget that weapons have sharp edges, and triggers, and bullets in them, and that rucksacks have metal frames, until one or the other bang into your shins driven hard by a 165 pound paratrooper still clawing at that slope to stay on that mountain, but losing.
With the sun being down and with the high elevation, it was probably about 70 degrees or so that night, but we were all sweating. Sweat gets in your eyes and it burns. It gets into the cuts on your hands and your arms, and it burns there too. Because of the mountain and your weapon, you can’t even free up one hand to drink some water and anyway it takes two hands to unscrew the top to open a canteen and that was way beyond impossible on that mountain. If you let the mountain go, you fell off the mountain.
Rockpile
So, the saliva in your mouth dries, and it thickens until you can’t even spit it out, and you dream of the water in your canteens. The water that you got from a ditch earlier that day. Six tablet water, brown water, but wet.
But still, you crawl up that damn mountain. You find that the more skin that you can put down on the mountain, the less you slide backwards. You find that if you jam the butt of your rifle behind the sliding boot of the rifleman in front of you fast enough, then he will stay there and will not wind up on top of you again.
You find that you like the taste of sweat. You like the salt in it too.
You can’t complain though. It is a tactical movement. No talking is allowed.
So you scream against the world in your mind. Your muscles scream against the mountain and against your pack. All of it, in your mind. Your blood would scream too, at least the blood moving in your muscles would scream if it could talk. You know that and you literally claw your way up that damn mountain.
And then we hit an elephant trail on the mountain.
“Where does an elephant go in the jungle?” the joke begins.
“Anywhere it wants.” is the answer.
In this case the elephants wanted to go up the same mountain just like we did. When elephants decide to go up a mountain, the first two or three break a trail, and the following elephants follow and step exactly into the places that the preceding elephants have stepped, creating almost stairs, a little more than elephant foot wide stairs all the way up the mountain. It was a three elephant lane highway, just for us.
According to Hal Dobie, my RTO and as a born and bred apple tree farmer from Washington State in the real world and therefore our expert on all trees, broken and cut limbs and plants of all types, the elephant trail had been made too recently to be boobytrapped or ambushed. So we could use it this time, but now we had to watch out for wild elephants too.
Then you realize that even though the steps left by the elephants are too short for your jungle boots, and the risers are way too long, that you love the wild elephants because now you can just climb the rest of the way to the top of that damn mountain standing up. No longer wallowing in the mud and the slime.
You still must pull up the man behind you and push up the man in front of you, but that is so much better that you do not even mind the incredible piles of stinking manure here and there, and there, and the puddles of elephant urine, although you do avoid them both as much as possible. But you can’t avoid all of them. There are too many.
It is a small price. The elephants had supped well that afternoon. That at least was clear from the still steaming piles of dung on that damn mountain.
Why do I say all of this, because that is what you did for 12 long hours right before the battle began. You are filthy. You are tired. You are sleepy because you spent most of the night crawling up that mountain. Then the bullets fly. That is when you must go to work, because you are infantry.
Your hands are so dirty that if your rifle ever stops firing during the battle and you have to take the bolt out to clean it, touching that bolt with your filthy hands will only make it dirtier. You are not your standard Hollywood hero with a small smear of telegenic light brown dirt across your brow, or on your jaw. You are covered with it.
You stink. You are filthy beyond description. You are soaking wet in your own sweat, and you are so thirsty. Your uniform is torn. Your hands and forearms are bleeding from infected cuts from wait-a-minute vines too many to remember, much less count.
You are not wearing any underwear, either because you never put any on, or because the underwear you did put on has rotted away. The socks you put on a month ago, have rotted away.
Then early in the morning of the very next day, right before breakfast while you are still scraping caked dirt off of your hands with the razor sharp edge of your K-Bar fighting knife so you can eat, the Captain gets called to the radio. It is the Colonel. Breakfast is over before it began and the company immediately moves off of the top of the hill we had just worked so hard to climb. The Company must get to an LZ. Charlie Company is in trouble. The movement to the LZ is as fast as you can make your tired men move.
So you go down hill to an LZ. It is a seven ship LZ and the choppers will have an ACL (Allowable Combat Load) of six troopers each. When the crew chief approaches to tell you that, and to tell you to tell your men to roll down their sleeves before they get on the choppers because of the risk of fire, you can see him wrinkle his nose in disgust. He decides he does not want to talk to you at all. He holds up six fingers and goes back to his position as door gunner where the still rotating blades of the chopper blow your smell away.
So you fly to an LZ near Charlie Company, and when you arrive, there is another hill to climb because Charlie Company is on top of that hill, but at least it is day time. At least it is only a 40 degree or so slope on the ridge you will walk up.
Then you draw some fire from the front, up above you. They are spread out on the ridge in front. The enemy waits for you there, dug in, fields of fire cut, grenades, magazines, belts of machine gun ammo laid out and ready.
Battle is always a “Come as you are.” affair. No time to dress, or prepare, ready or not, battle starts now.
So the platoon automatically deploys on line and returns fire. The rest of the company is in back. They seek cover. The curious watch, carefully; the rest just wait. They will look when the noise stops.
This is the 2nd platoon’s fight. This ridge is only wide enough for one platoon to deploy. It will be hey diddle diddle, straight up the middle, fire and movement. Currahee!
How’s your guts this morning? Feeling feisty? They have interlocking machine guns and a lot more than that just waiting for you.
However, Tom Gaffney has another idea. We will advance under cover of a rolling artillery barrage. This is World War I stuff. The idea is that the strikes of the artillery shells will be in a moving box in front of the infantry. The key for the infantry is to stay very close to the explosions, but not too close. If you do it just right, and if the artillery does it just right, you will be standing there among them when the enemy emerges from their holes in the ground after the thundering artillery barrage passes over. Then you can kill them.
Behind a large rock Tom gives me about a 60 second class on how to do it, while Bob Richardson, our artillery FO was huddled on the radio with two 105mm batteries setting up the barrage. It is a complicated order for the artillery but like all calls for artillery it starts with the phrase:
“Fire mission. . .”
I have never done it before. I wonder if our artillery have ever done it before as I listen to Tom describe what 2nd platoon is about to do.
We move into a double assault line across the top of the ridge. As soon as the artillery starts, pounding them with fire and hot steel, we move forward. Standing up, walking right behind the explosions as they too move slowly up the ridge. I push it too close at first and one of the guys, I think it was Patterson points to some shrapnel landing behind our first line.
“Not good, L-T.” Pointing at the dust from some shrapnel strikes.
So, I slowed it down a little. According to Tom it is better to risk some shrapnel though than be standing there in the open in front of them rather than among them when the enemy comes out of their underground bunkers to fight. It is a balancing act in a place that is itself unbalanced.
It does not matter what you want to do that day, you must fight, or they will kill you. Worse, they will kill your friends, the man to your right, or the man on your left, or all three of you. So, fight you will. It is time for training to take over. To react as fast as you can. No thought now. The time for thought is past. We are among them.
Target acquisition.
Sight picture.
Fire!
Cover.
Target acquisition.
Sight picture.
Fire!
Again and again.
Stand.
18, drop magazine.
Lock one 18 round magazine, load.
Move.
Target acquisition. . .
Until there are no more targets.
Quiet. It is so suddenly, so perfectly, quiet.
And then finally, you realize that this battle is over, and that you are still alive, and the chorus sings but with your sound shattered ears you cannot hear it wafting across the mountain top battlefield—Hallelujah—Hallelujah—Hallelujah!
Thank you, LT for this story and for your service! Airborne, sir! Glad you made it back! God Bless! To read additional articles by this author, then visit his website: https://johneharrison.wordpress.com/
Author’s Note
All file photos are from Google this time. But I think they fit. Leonard Cohen, author of Hallelujah, died recently but his songs still live. Look him up on You Tube. You’ll be glad you did.
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. Meanwhile, you can link to my special pages, most recent articles and those most popular listed to the right of each article. If you’d rather sample every post, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to be redirected to the blog’s main page. There, you can scroll down through all the published titles, listed chronologically – the most recent is first.
I’ve also included a poll to help identify my website audience – before leaving, can you please click HERE and choose the one item best describing you. Thank you in advance!
I’d like to introduce Joe Campolo Jr., my friend and fellow author. Joe resides in Wisconsin and has published two award-winning books – we shared a booth for a book signing weekend and were also guest speakers during the 2015 Vietnam War Reenactment in Benton Harbor, MI. His books, “The Kansas NCO” and “Back to the World” are highly recommended – I’ve reviewed both on Amazon. I’ve asked Joe to share a story from his website – more information and the link to his website follow this article. Here’s his story:
I was a member of the United States Air Force from 1968 to 1972. I served at Phu Cat Airbase, Republic of Vietnam from January of 1970 to January of 1971.
Because I kept requesting a transfer out of supply into civil engineering, when I first arrived at Phu Cat I was assigned to a civil engineering detail headed by the Red Horse Squadron. The detail involved building a water pumping station by the river near Phu Cat so the villagers would not have to hand carry water from the river in buckets, as they had been doing. A dangerous endeavor, particularly after the sun went down. Unfortunately, because of Vietcong intervention that project ended in disaster and was subsequently canceled. The Civil Engineering squadron soon redeployed to Bien Hoa and as I had no acquired skills as of yet, I was transferred back to supply and remained at Phu Cat.
Within months of the incident, the Phu Cat village chief started pestering the base commander again. The village needed running water. In time, a solution was developed; a well would be drilled by the main gate at the Phu Cat airbase which was on the northern edge of the village. Since the main gate was heavily guarded twenty four hours a day, the risk from Vietcong sabotage would be greatly reduced.
Soon U.S. Air Force maintenance teams were hard at work. They drilled the well, built an open-air shelter around it, tested it and released it for use. A formal dedication ceremony with base and village leaders was planned.
However, the first morning after completion, before the dedication ceremony was to take place, an older village woman walked purposely out to the new well, with several younger women and children in tow. U.S.A.F. personnel on hand watched with curiosity, expecting her to be the first customer to collect a nice fresh bucket of water.
To their astonishment, the old woman entered the shelter, scooted her black pants down, hopped on the well and defecated. About half the men on hand started yelling, while the other half roared with laughter while cheering the old woman on. A call was placed to the engineering squadron, who immediately arranged a meeting with village elders. The elders were ordered to instruct all villagers what the well was intended for, and how to properly use it. A sign was put up with a picture of a person defecating in the well with a large black slash through it, intending to convey what NOT to do in the well.
After getting bleached out, the well was released to the village and soon villagers began using it for its intended purpose, although according to rumor the old mama-san would sneak in at night and use it as her private toilet. As for myself…I made it a point never to drink from it!
Thank you, Joe for sharing this story. I also want to thank you for your service and Welcome you Home!
Photo of Joe and a happy customer at one of his book signings this past fall
Joe Campolo, Jr. is an award-winning author, poet and public speaker. A Vietnam War Veteran, Joe writes and speaks about the war, and is a Veteran’s advocate. Joe also writes about other experiences, many of which are humorous. Joe enjoys fishing, nature, traveling, writing and spending time with his family. Joe loves hearing from his readers. Stop by Joe’s website to look around and read more of his offerings and leave a note. http://namwarstory.com/blog/ Tell him John sent you!
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. Meanwhile, you can link to my special pages, most recent articles and those most popular listed to the right of each article. If you’d rather sample every post, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to be redirected to the blog’s main page. There, you can scroll down through all the published titles, listed chronologically – the most recent is first.
I’ve also included a poll to help identify my website audience – before leaving, can you please click HERE and choose the one item best describing you. Thank you in advance!
Please welcome my guest Chuck Jackson, a Vietnam Veteran and author of “One Month, Twenty Days, and a Wake Up”. It is a fictional account of one man’s experience when training and then serving in Vietnam as a USAF Pararescue (PJ). It gives homage to those who did and now serve as PJ’s. Chuck wants to clarify the book is not about him.
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Motto of Pararescue Jumpers
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In December 1968, I completed 14 months of Special Forces training and become a member of the Air Forces’ Pararescue team. I left my wife in tears as I joined a hundred plus men from all branches of the military for the dreaded flight to Vietnam. Dressed in fatigues, we boarded the aircraft at Travis AFB; our trip would include scheduled stops in Alaska, Japan and then on to Vietnam. The closer we came to Da Nang – our final destination – the more nervous we became. Some soldiers went silent, while others like me became giddy and talkative.
Upon our arrival, the weather was cold and rainy; the scene, bedlam with aircraft of all sort and sizes parked haphazardly and various military vehicles running back and forth – carrying men, fuel, and cargo. The haunting cargo was in those vehicles filled with black bags containing the valiant departed. They will soon be on their final journey back to the world and their grief stricken families.
Once off the aircraft, we proceeded to a large metal hanger, where we waited in line for written orders to our final destination. When I reach the front of the line and check in with the Army corporal, his contempt was obvious. He barked, ” You must be someone very special to warrant a personal Huey?” He glanced up at my beret and then looked at me with a jealous frown. I stood there proudly and responded to his look with a wide smile. Giving up, he shook his head from side to side and then pointed out a soldier who stood on the flight line by himself, “Just go over there and wait with that doctor.” He handed me a manilla envelope with my orders and records and then barked loudly, “Next!”
I walked over to the solitaire soldier and noted gold clover leaf insignia on his shirt collars. After saluting the Major, he looked mystified by my burgundy beret. I broke the spell by asking, “You going to Pleiku, sir?”
“Yeah,” he said. “Why are you wearing a red beret?”
I quickly squared my shoulders and stood pompously, “I’m Pararescue, sir. We all wear the beret and flash.”
“Pararescue, what’s the hell is that?”
I laughed to myself at his ignorance, “Sorry sir, I’m Special Forces, trained specifically for search and rescue.” The officer acknowledged me with a smile and then started scanning the airfield as if he were looking for somebody. With nothing more to say, I joined him in taking in the sights.
After waiting there for an hour, an Army Warrant Officer finally approached us. “Are you Major Greco and Sergeant Johnson?” He asked after saluting the major.
“Yes Sir,” I responded. The major simply acknowledged him with a curt nod of his head.
“OK, grab your gear and follow me.” He turned and began walking across the tarmac with the two of us hot on his heels. He stopped at a Huey similar to the Bell helicopter I had trained in the previous summer. The rotors were already turning as the aircraft idled smoothly. The co-pilot in the left-hand seat waved to us as the Warrant Officer climbed into the right side seat and adjusted his chicken plate. The door gunner was pointing to the center bench seat and pantomimed for us to buckle up.
A moment later, I heard the pilot check in with the tower and then shouted, “Hold on.” The engines roared as he lifted the aircraft to a hover six feet above the ground, the nose dipped at a forty-five-degree angle and then the vibrating machine shot forward across the runway, rising quickly to a height of 2,000 feet. I looked at the Major and saw that he was white around the mouth and his face beet red.
I yelled, “First time on a Huey, Doc?” He nodded, then leaned over toward the door and puked. The pilot increased altitude, banked left quickly which forced the doctor to puke a second time. The heavy rain washed his regurgitated meal from the floor, thus, saving us from the sickly mess. However, when the wind shifted, the rain poured into the cabin, soaking us – causing cold chills to run down our spines.
After flying for what seemed like an hour, the pilot suddenly banked the Huey hard to the left, brought the nose up and then landed without a bump. Major Greco looked at me, “Do you really fly in one of these?”
“Yes sir!” I responded and giving the officer a wide smile.
“God, I hope I don’t have to ride in one of these things again.”
With his fatigues and boots covered in puke, I could not stop myself from laughing. He gave me an annoyed look and then started laughing himself. This was not the last time the major and I would cross paths. I saluted, and we parted ways.
Pararescue Beret & Flash Motto: “We Do These Things, That Others May Live”
One man’s story of what it meant to be a PJ.
Book Description:
In 1966, the political leaders in Washington and the Pentagon made the decision to escalate the war in Vietnam. In doing so, the demand for a trained military far exceeded the supply. In an attempt to meet this demand, the Selective Service was required to draft thousands of young men into the military and send them to Vietnam to fight in United States’ most controversial war. Most young men were sent with little or insufficient training to the commanders who put them in reckless jeopardy to satisfy the political ambition of a few in the White House.
One Month, 20 Days, and a Wake-Up follows a young man during his four years while serving in the Air Force. He and his best friend volunteer for an elite career in the field of Pararescue. They spend 14 months in grueling training where only the best and those with the desire to push themselves to the limit, successfully become a PJ.
When he graduates and proudly wears the burgundy beret and Pararescue Flash, he knows it is only a matter of weeks before he is assigned to a Pararescue flight crew in Vietnam. The book also follows his 13 months in Vietnam where he quickly learns the horror of war and how he must adapt to not only keep his sanity but also to return alive. His story contains several of the rescue missions he and his PJ brothers completed; however, not all of those rescued are recovered alive. When he faces a personal bereavement, he must reach deep to restore his integrity, and keep his oath,
These things I do, that others may live.
About the Author:
Chuck Jackson is a retired accountant currently living in Southeast Florida. He was an ‘Air Force Brat’ and followed his dad’s 33-year military career by also serving four years in the Air Force. For years, he spoke little of his Vietnam experience, suffering similarly to other Vietnam Veterans who languished in silence. With his writing of this book, he wants to help return the honor and dignity to those who served with him. He dedicates this story to the men who proudly served as PJs.
E-Book Purchases:
One Month, 20 Days, and a Wake Up is available only in digital e-book format and can be purchased at the following Internet locations: Amazon, Nook (Barnes & Noble), Kobo, iTunes (Apple), Lulu. For direct link to any of these websites, visit my website and click on the menu item About/Books
Chuck is new to blogging and his website has only been in existence for a few months, accumulating a dozen short posts so far. He shares his time writing new posts and working on his second novel that should be published later this year. Drop in – look around – and leave him a note. Tell him that John sent you. http://www.chuckjacksonknowme.com
Many thanks for the article Chuck! Thank You for your service and Welcome Home Brother! Watch for my book review coming on Amazon and also added on this website where I list my library of Vietnam War books and respective reviews.
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. Meanwhile, you can link to my special pages, most recent articles and those most popular listed to the right of each article. If you’d rather sample every post, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to be redirected to the blog’s main page. There, you can scroll down through all the published titles, listed chronologically – the most recent is first.
I’ve also included a poll to help identify my website audience – before leaving, can you please click HERE and choose the one item best describing you. Thank you in advance!
I’ve collected over 150 different paintings and artwork depicting the Vietnam War. Most were obtained from Pinterest – I’ve included author names when available. If the author is unknown, then I’ve listed the website where it was last posted. If you recognize a print without an author listed, please get back to me with the number of the print and author name and I’ll make the corrections. Many almost look like real photos and it’s difficult to believe it’s a painting. In addition, Joe Kline has recently published a video on Facebook that shows many of his prints to music – I’ve added it to the end of this article. I hope you enjoy this presentation.
1. Marine filling his “portable zippo tank” before going out on patrol
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2. Bombing run near Hanoi by Bailey Art & Publishing Inc
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3. Photo by HistoryWar.com
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4. So that others may live by Joe Kline
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5. The UH-1 Huey (nickname derived from the military “Helicopter Utility”) was the workhorse of the Viet Nam war. Photo by airmailart.com
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6. No one left behind Saved from militar.org.ua
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7. First Cav LRRP patrol
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8. “The latest Brothers in Arms” by Dan Nance
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9. 176th Assault Helicopter Company– Muskets
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10. 75th Ranger Company extracting from jungle – Joe Kline
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11. Cessna O-2A Bird Dog Forward Air Controller
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12. Mike Company, 3/3 Marines assaulting Hill 881N on April 29, 1967
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13. Hot LZ
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14. Viet Cong fighters prepared for an ambush
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15. Huey Helicopter landing with supplies and reinforcements
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16. M48 Patton Tank photo by pl.forwallpaper.com
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17. U.S. Marine Choctaw helicopter
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18. Tunnel Rat exposes booby trap within tunnel while conducting his search photo by militar.org.ua
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19. Patrol travels on paddy dikes as farmers work on their rice shoots
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20. Tank-supported patrol checking out the valley south of Marble Mountain
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21. F4 Phantom out of Hanoi
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22. India Six and the Super gaggle by oldschoolgarage.tumblr.com
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23. F-105G Thunderchief photo by elgrancapitan.org
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24. Armor patrol with infantry
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25. Firefight “The Seven Minute War”
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26. Calling in artillery support danger close by skvor.deviantart.com
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27. The Battle Of Ap Bau Bang by Bob George
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28. “Radioman 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment 1970” by Max Crace
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29. NVA participating in urban warfare
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30. Battalion brass conferring prior to troops loading for an air assault
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31. Hornet 1st platoon Wasp ship insupport of Brown Water Navy in Delta by retrowar.tumblr.com
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32. After the fight…walking wounded awaiting Medevac
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33. NVA soldier firing RPG at helicopter during a battle
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34. 105mm canon firing from a firebase in support to infantry in the field
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35. US AH1G Cobra attack helicopters on mission in Vietnam
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36. Marines landing by Boeing Vestol CH-46 Sea Knight while under fire
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37. F9F Panther VF123 – Birdy Chang
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38. Marine infantry patrol with M14’s
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39. Patrol entering village to check for VC – carrying a chainsaw and gas
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40. Welcome to the Neighborhood – Bob George
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41. Adrian Chronauer played by Robin Williams – morning DJ on Armed Forces Radio in Vietnam
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42. Infantry patrol
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43. US MACV-SOG Reconnaissance Team in Vietnam
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44. Battle of Hue – Tet 1968
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45. IA Drang – Mark Stacey
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46. Injured soldier on Medevac helicopter enroute to closest hospital
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47. Gun Trucks breaking up an ambush on a convoy
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48. Super Sabre and A-7 Corsair escorting spray planes below
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49. OV-10 Bronco helping until jets arrive – hot LZ by CW Taylor
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50. U.S. Troops advancing toward tree line
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51. Grunt by K. Paul Randall
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52. Crashed Huey helicopter salvaged by Chinook
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53. Khe Sahn – “The Mightiest Corporal in the World”
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54. Snake Attack” Jim Laurier
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55. Troops disembarking on LZ
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56. Marines ambushed on landing zone by Martusz Kozik
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57. US Navy SEALs launch an ambush along a Viet Cong river
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58. Assault on Viet Cong camp
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59. Humping through elephant grass to the next location
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60. Platoon extraction from the bush
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61. 101st Airborne moving into the jungle by deviantart.com
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62. Screaming Eagles on patrol
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63. Consoling a brother in arms after losing a friend
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64. Taking a break after filling sandbags by Deuce McGee
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65. Saigon River patrol by Bob George
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66. Crossing a small stream in the Delta
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67. Covering the dead by Time.com
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68. Watching a trail from the bush before crossing to the other side
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69. LRRP Pointman with CAR-15
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70. IA Drang Valley – 1965 – Joe Kline
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71. Broken Arrow by Tom Freeman (A-1 Skyraider)
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72. Response to an ambush
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73. Ambush on the Mekong River
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74. U.S. Marine watching out in the jungle by HS
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75. Taking refuge in a bomb crater on a hot LZ
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76. M-14 in Vietnam by JohnnySchumate.com
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77. Squad leader and RTO reporting in while on patrol by Sonne ’88
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78. MRine night patrol – tail end Charlie bringing up the rear
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79. 1st Cav patrol questioning an old mama-san on trail by military.org.ua
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80. Early war – soldier with BAR
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81. Temporary North Vietnamese Army aid station
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82. M-60 gunner and assistant Saved from militar.org.ua
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83. M50A1 Ontos at the Battle of Hue – by Johnny Shumate
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84. Long Tan – The Royal Australian Regiment made contact with NVA
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85. Sgt. Thomas Brooks moves up the river in search of VC by elgrancapitan.org
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86. Marines return fire during ambush
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87. A-1E launching from carrier by Jim Ranch
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88. US troops setting ambush on trail in the Vietnamese jungle warwall.ru
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89. Marine rescued by helicopter Vietnam War, painting by veteran Paul Barke
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90. Journey Into War byjevinart on DeviantArt
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91. US troops in the jungle of Vietnam Saved from sibnarkomat.livejournal.com
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92. Ripley on the bridge Dong Ha 1972
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93. Jet pilot ejecting after his plane is hit by SAMmissile
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94. VC captured and awaiting pick-up by intelligence troops
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95. 1st Cav Hunter / Killer teams
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96. Army Jeep traversing roads filled with potholes
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97. Patrol in the Mekong Delta Saved from marekszyszko.com
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98. NVA attacking U.S. firebase saved from tipolog.livejournal.com
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99. US MACV-SOG Reconnaissance Team waiting for an extraction
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100. GREEN BERET IN VIETNAM 1957-73 | illustrated by Kevin Lyles
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101. M-14’s performed well during its short stay in Vietnam
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102. Ambush in NAM 1972 elgrancapitan.org
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103. NVA attack a firebase
104. Green Beret ambush VC Sampan on river
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105. M101A1 155mm gun pit in a FSB (Nam) militar.org.ua
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106. Marines fire from trench line by militar.org.au
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107. Raising the flag on Hill 881 in Vietnam
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108. Sidewinders gunships – 117th Assault Helicopter Company – Joe Kline
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109. Patrol through old rice paddies
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110. Marines picked up from mission by A. Meary
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111. Filling uncovered tunnel complex with CS gas
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112. Training and indoctrination of Vietcong fighters
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113. U.S. Commando attack on NVA POW Camp
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114. Typical “Grunt” on patrol
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115. 25th Infantry firebase “Hootch”
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116. Squad checking out bunker on the side of a hill from warwall.ru
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117. Dustoff arriving in hastily cut landing zone
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118. Field hospital for villagers
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119. Village along one of the rivers in the Mekong Delta
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120. Uncovering tunnel in village hut by Bob George
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121. A-6A on first combat missions, Vietnam, 1965 algrancapitan.org`
125. HH-53C Super Jolly Green Giant after pilot recovery 1zoom.me
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126. ‘We Live to Honor Them’ Battle of the La Drang Valley- by Dietz
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127. Bell UH-1B Gunship in Vietnam from elgrancapitan.org
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128. A downed Bell UH-1 Iroquois ‘Huey’ in Vietnam by Bud Gaynor
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129. Daily life – tank track repair militar.org.ua
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130. James Stockdale’s plane on the day he was shot down
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131. NVA artillery
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132. The Cost, Operation Dewey Canyon photo by militar.org.ua
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133. 1st Cav Airmobile – Jack Sullivan`
134. U.S. forces in the Delta
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135. U.S. Marines in action
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136. God’s lunatics by Joe Kline
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137. Marines patrolling on Go Noi Island
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138. Grunts offloading to patrol the area. Print by fineartamerica.com
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139. 11th Armored Cav on patrol
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140. Humping through the Chu Lai rice paddies by Eric Nevatie
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141. Chinook flying supplies to Marines at DMZ by Eric Nevatie
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142. An extraction under pressure, that is, engaged by a closely pursuing enemy force, was among the most dangerous actions LRPs encountered”
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143. “Have Guns, Will Travel” Air Cav Troop, Vietnam. Two UH-1C Huey gunships hammering North Vietnamese positions inside Cambodia in 1970.
Print by Joe Kline
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144. Stand down
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145. 1st Cav attack on Sampans by Michael Norton
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146. SOG patrol evading enemy troops by P. Kapawyk
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147. Just another day in the jungle
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148. God’s own Lunatics by Joe Kline
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149. Huey slinging 105mm artillery cannon by Ryan Grist
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150. Driving the kids to school by Joe Kline
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151. Iron Dance by Joe Kline
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152. Cobra knocked out of the sky by Joe Kline
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153. Crusader Huey exploding upon landing in LZ by Joe Kline
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154. Casper bringing in the troops by Joe Kline Aviation Platoon H & H Co. – 173d Airborne Brigade
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155. Gun trucks traveling the roads by Joe Kline
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156. Robert D. Fiacco, “Oriskany Rendezvous” : A-4C Skyhawks from VA-94, assigned to USS Hancock, fly past the USS Oriskany (CVA-34) prior to striking targets in North Vietnam in 1967.
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157. Gaggle of Huey’s bringing in the troops by David Layton
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158. Vietnam Reflections by Lee Teeter
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Joe Kline put this video together of many of his artwork prints (some you’ve already seen) – make sure you turn up the sound.
Thank you for taking the time to view this article! Don’t miss out on the many other stories, pictures and videos available to you on this website (see below).
If you enjoyed this article and want to learn more about the Vietnam War – subscribe to this blog and get each new post delivered to your email or feed reader. Meanwhile, you can link to my special pages, most recent articles and those most popular listed to the right of each article. If you’d rather sample every post, then click on the Cherries title at the top of this page to be redirected to the blog’s main page. There, you can scroll down through all the published titles, listed chronologically – the most recent is first.
I’ve also included a poll to help identify my website audience – before leaving, can you please click HERE and choose the one item best describing you. Thank you in advance!
There were many comments split between my Vietnam Facebook groups and following the posted article that challenged the word “Major” insisting that anytime participants were fired upon and placed in harms’ way, then in their minds, it wasn’t just a skirmish, ambush or sniper – to them, it was a major experience. Personally, I never knew the names of any of the Operations or battles that I had participated in. All I know is when the shooting started, it was a battle; doesn’t matter if it lasted five minutes or sporadically for a month.
I’ve listed those battles mentioned from your comments along with notes and pictures about each one. Beware: this article is extremely long (31,000 words and 136 pages) – the equivalent of a short novel. I’ve added as much detail as possible to see the “big picture” and hope it meets with your approval. I also hope that readers find this article educational and learn more about the Vietnam War from the information provided. Kudos to anyone able to read the entire article in one setting!
Note that these engagements are neither listed chronologically nor are they in order of importance. They are only suggestions deemed important to mention from my readers. They are also posted in the order that I recorded them from your notes:
Operation Prairie I-IV Battle of Con Tien Battle of Dong Ha Operation Allen Brook Operation Hump Battle of An Loc Operation Lam Son 719 Battle of Quang Tri Province Battle of Ben Het Special Forces Camp Battle of Binh Ghia The Hill Fights Battle of Trang Bang Battle of Tam Quang Operation Cedar Falls Operation Dewey Canyon The Cambodian Campaign Attack on FSB Jay Attack on FSB Illingworth Battle of Ap Gu
Operation Prairie I
This was a U.S. military operation in northern South Vietnam that sought to eliminate North Vietnamese Army (NVA) forces south of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ).Over the course of late 1965 and early 1966 the Viet Cong (VC) and North Vietnamese Army (NVA) intensified its military threat along the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). The tactical goal of these incursions across the 17th Parallel sought to draw United States Military forces away from populated cities and towns, a similar strategy would be employed during the final months of 1967 in order to maximize the impact of the upcoming Tet Offensive. In response, the Marines elected to construct and reinforce a string of firebases due south of the DMZ including installments at Con Thien, Gio Linh, Camp Carroll, and Dong Ha. To support the defense of the DMZ area, Marines were often relocated from the southern regions of I Corps. In addition to these firebases, U.S. forces also established an interconnected sequence of electronic sensors and other detection devices called the McNamara Line.
Map of the demilitarized zone and northern Quang Tri Province during the Vietnam War
The original actions in defense of the Vietnamese DMZ, officially designated as Operation Hastings, began on 15 July 1966. Operation Hastings was a strategic success for American and South Vietnamese troops as the estimated enemy casualties reached upwards of 800 enemy soldiers. The operation, however, was only scheduled to last slightly longer than three weeks reaching its conclusion on 3 August 1966.
Due to the initial, albeit brief, successes of Operation Hastings the United States elected to essentially renew the mission and rename it, Operation Prairie. Operation Prairie would cover the exact same areas along the DMZ that Operation Hastings had, as well as had the same mission. The formal objective of Prairie was to search the areas south of DMZ for NVA troops and eliminate them. Another purpose of Operation Prairie aimed to determine the extent of NVA and VC infiltration of northern I Corps, the area of South Vietnam stretching from the northern edge of the Central Highlands to the DMZ.
A UH-1E Huey helicopter preparing for take off at Dong Ha Airbase.
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Over the course of the next few hours Major Vincil W. Hazelbaker landed his UH-1E helicopter under withering enemy fire to resupply the Marines. Hazelbaker then departed, reloaded his helicopter at Dong Ha Airfield, and bravely returned. After several unsuccessful landing attempts Hazelbaker finally safely landed on the ground, resupplied the troops a second time, however during the unloading of ammunition an enemy rocket impacted the rotor mast, crippling the aircraft. Hazelbaker then assumed command, as Captain Lee had been injured by a fragmentation grenade, and directed a napalm strike on the enemy position at dawn on 9 August 1966. Reinforcements finally arrived later that morning, secured the area, and aided in the evacuation of the remaining Marines in the afternoon. In total Team Groucho Marx and their reinforcements suffered thirty-two casualties, with five men killed, while they inflicted at least thirty-seven enemy KIAs (a support team later noted other bloodstains and drag marks indicating a much larger higher number of casualties). For the valiant actions occurring during the two-day fight, Captain Howard V. Lee earned the Medal of Honor and Major Vincil W. Hazelbaker was presented the Navy Cross.
On 15 September 1966, an additional 1,500 Marines landed from 7th Fleet ships off Quang Tri province to support two companies of the 4th Marine Regiment who were pinned down by a large force of NVA troops. The outnumbered American forces were unable to break out until 18 September 1966. Operation Prairie concluded on 31 January 1967 with a total of 1,397 known enemy casualties.
Operation Prairie II
The allied forces renewed the operation several times during the first half of 1967 beginning with Operation Prairie II, which spanned from 1 February to 18 March and accounted for a total of 693 enemy casualties.
Operation Prairie III
3rd Marine Division in late March 1967 crossing a stream west of Cam Lo
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Operation Prairie III began just two days after the conclusion of Prairie II on 20 March and lasted until 19 April 1967 with an enemy casualties estimated at 250 soldiers.
Operation Prairie IV
Operation Prairie IV ran from 20 April to 17 May 1967 and featured heavy fighting east of Khe Sanh along the southern banks of the Ben Hai River, including five battalions of the 1st Division of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) and three battalions of Marines and the Special Landing Force. By the time Prairie IV wrapped up actions, a total of 164 American troops had been killed with approximately 999 wounded, while the NVA suffered 505 deaths with an unknown number of wounded.
Operation Prairie was undoubtedly a huge success for the American and South Vietnamese forces, however, its primary triumphs were overshadowed in the months and years that followed. The allied forces accomplished exactly what had been outlined in Prairie’s objectives: prevent enemy infiltration across the DMZ and Ben Hai River and determine the extent of their infiltration. Nevertheless, the NVA units merely fled over the DMZ to North Vietnam in order to regroup, re-equip, and then reenter South Vietnam later in 1967. One of the other purposes of Operation Prairie was to reduce the large investment of manpower that the U.S. forces had committed to protect the DMZ. Instead, the NVA strategy tied down a major portion of the Marine force in I Corps along the vast, barren tracts of land south of the DMZ, leaving population centers undermanned and under protected.
Battle of Con Tien
This battle occurred during Operation Prairie I and is included in the information above. Therefore, I’ve added a 25 minute documentary to tell this story.
Battle at Dong Ha
In the spring of 1968, after the Tet Offensive and before the opening of the Paris peace talks, the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and Vietcong made a determined effort to improve their bargaining position. They conducted 119 attacks on provincial and district capitals, military installations, and major cities in South Vietnam. The United States Marines maintained a supply base at Dong Ha in I Corps.
It was in the northeastern area of Quang Tri Province. Late in April and early in May, the NVA 320th Division, with 8,000 troops, attacked Dong Ha and fought a rigorous battle against an allied force of 5,000 marines and South Vietnamese soldiers. The North Vietnamese failed to destroy the supply base and had to retreat back across the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), leaving behind 856 dead. Sixty-eight Americans died in the fighting.
Operation Allen Brook
This was a US Marine Corps operation that took place south of Danang, lasting from 4 May to 24 August 1968.
Go Noi Island was located approximately 25 km south of Danang to the west of Highway 1, together with the area directly north of the island, nicknamed Dodge City by the Marines due to frequent ambushes and firefights there, it was a Vietcong and People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) stronghold and base area. While the island was relatively flat, the small hamlets on the island were linked by hedgerows and concealed paths providing a strong defensive network. Go Noi was the base for the Vietcong’s Group 44 headquarters for Quảng Nam Province, the R-20 and V-25 Battalions and the T-3 Sapper Battalion and, it was believed, elements of the PAVN 2nd Division.
On the morning of 4 May 1968 two Companies of the 2nd Battalion 7th Marines supported by tanks crossed the Liberty Bridge onto the island meeting only light resistance for the first few days. On 7 May Company A 1st Battalion 7th Marines relieved one Company from 2/7 Marines and Company K 3/7 Marines was added to the operation. By 8 May the Marines had lost 9 killed and 57 wounded and the Vietcong 88 killed. On the evening of 9 May the Marines encountered heavy resistance at the hamlet of Xuan Dai, after calling in air strikes the Marines overran the hamlet resulting in 80 PAVN killed.
On 13 May Company I 3rd Battalion 27th Marines was deployed to the Que Son mountains southwest of Go Noi moving east onto the island and the Marines on the island began sweeping west linking up at the Liberty Bridge on 15 May. Company E 2/7 Marines and the command group were airlifted out of the area on the evening of 15 May.
The Marines then began a deception plan crossing the Liberty Bridge as if the operation had concluded and then crossing back onto the island on the early morning of 16 May. At 09:00 on 16 May 3/7 Marines encountered a PAVN Battalion at the hamlet of Phu Dong, the Marines were unable to outflank the PAVN and called in air and artillery support as the battle continued all day. By nightfall the PAVN abandoned their positions leaving more than 130 dead while Marine losses were 25 dead and 38 wounded. The hamlet was found to contain a PAVN Regimental headquarters and vast quantities of supplies.
On the morning of 17 May 3/7 Marines moved out of Phu Dong patrolling southeast. Company I 3/27 Marines was leading the column when it was ambushed by a strongly entrenched PAVN force near the hamlet of Le Nam. The other Marine Companies attempted to assist Company I but the PAVN defenses proved too strong and artillery support was the only way to relieve the pressure on Company I. It was decided that Companies K and L 3/27 Marines would air assault into the area and the first helicopters landed at 15:00 and Company K broke through to relieve Company I at 19:30 while the PAVN withdrew. Marine losses were 39 dead and 105 wounded while PAVN losses were 81 killed. PFC Robert C. Burke a machine-gunner in Company I would be posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during the battle.
On 18 May 3rd Battalion 5th Marines replaced 3/7 Marines and operational control passed to 3/27 Marines. At 09:30 the Marines began taking sniper fire from the hamlet of Le Bac (2). Companies K and L were sent to clear out the snipers but were quickly pinned down by another well-prepared PAVN ambush. Airstrikes and artillery fire was called in but due to the proximity of the opposing forces were of limited effect. At 15:00 Company M 3/27 Marines arrived by helicopter to replace Company L and cover the retreat of Company K and air and artillery strikes were directed against Le Bac (2). Marine losses were 15 killed, 35 wounded and over 90 cases of heat exhaustion while PAVN losses were 20 killed.
For the next 6 days the Marines continued patrolling, suffering frequent ambushes despite strong preparatory fires. The Marines altered their tactics so that when the enemy was encountered they would hold their positions or pull back to allow air and artillery to deal with the entrenched forces. From 24–27 May a sustained fight took place at the hamlet of Le Bac (1), only ending when torrential rain made further fighting impossible. By the end of May total casualties for the battle were 138 Marines killed and 686 wounded while PAVN/Vietcong losses exceeded 600 killed.
On 26 May the 1st Battalion 26th Marines reinforced the operation, while on the 28th 3/27 Marines was relieved by 1st Battalion 27th Marines and 3/5 Marines was returned to the Division reserve. During early June the 1/26 and 1/27 Marines carried out ongoing search and clear operations on the island with regular ambushes by small PAVN/Vietcong forces.
On 5 June as the Marine Battalions moved west along the island they were ambushed by a PAVN force at the hamlet of Cu Ban (3), due the proximity of the enemy forces supporting fire was ineffective and a confused close-quarters battle raged throughout the day until tanks allowed the Marines to overrun the enemy positions. Marines losses were 7 killed and 55 wounded while PAVN losses were 30 killed.
On 6 June 1/26 Marines was withdrawn from the operation and elements of the 1st Engineer Battalion arrived with orders to destroy the fortifications on Go Noi with 1/27 Marines providing security. On the early morning of 15 June a PAVN force attacked Company B 1/17 Marines’ night defensive position, the attack was defeated with 21 PAVN killed with no Marine losses.
On 19 June Companies B and D were ambushed by the PAVN at the hamlet of Bac Dong Ban, the fight lasted 9 hours before the Marines were able to overrun the PAVN bunkers. Marine losses were 6 killed and 19 wounded while the PAVN lost 17 killed.
On 23 June 2nd Battalion 27th Marines relieved 1/27 Marines on Go Noi. 2/27 Marines stayed on Go Noi until 16 July when it was relieved by 3/27 Marines. Marine losses during this period were 4 Marines killed and 177 wounded for 144 PAVN/Vietcong killed.
On 31 July, BLT 2/7 Marines which had just completed Operation Swift Play in the Da The mountains 6 km south of Go Noi arrived on the island and relieved 3/27 Marines.
Land clearing operations on Go Noi continued into August by which time much of the island had been completely leveled and seeded with herbicides. As enemy activity had been reduced to a minimal level it was decided to close the operation. While much of their infrastructure had been destroyed the PAVN/Vietcong continued to resist until the last as the Marines and Engineers withdrew across the Liberty Bridge harassed by sniper fire.
Operation Allen Brook concluded on 24 August, the Marines had suffered 172 dead and 1124 wounded and the PAVN/Vietcong 917 killed and 11 captured.
Operation Hump
This was a search and destroy operation initiated on 8 November 1965 by the 173rd Airborne Brigade, in an area about 17.5 miles (28.2 km) north of Bien Hoa. The 1st Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment deployed south of the Dong Nai River while the 1st Battalion, 503rd Infantry, conducted a helicopter assault on an LZ northwest of the Dong Nai and Song Be Rivers. The objective was to drive out Vietcong fighters who had taken position in several key hills. Little contact was made through 7 November, when B and C Companies settled into a night defensive position southeast of Hill 65, in triple-canopy jungle.
At about 06:00 on 8 November C Company began a move northwest toward Hill 65, while B Company moved northeast toward Hill 78. Shortly before 08:00, C Company was engaged by a sizeable enemy force well dug into the southern face of Hill 65, armed with machine guns and shotguns. At 08:45, B Company was directed to wheel in place and proceed toward Hill 65 with the intention of relieving C Company, often relying on fixed bayonets to repel daring close range attacks by small bands of masked Vietcong fighters.
B Company reached the foot of Hill 65 at about 09:30 and moved up the hill. It became obvious that there was a large enemy force in place on the hill, C Company was suffering heavy casualties, and by chance, B Company was forcing the enemy’s right flank.
Under pressure from B Company’s flanking attack the enemy force—most of Vietcong regiment—moved to the northwest, whereupon the B Company commander called in air and incendiary artillery fire on the retreating rebels. The shells scorched the foliage and caught many rebel fighters ablaze, exploding their ammunition and grenades they carried. B Company halted in place in an effort to locate and consolidate with C Company’s platoons and managed to establish a coherent defensive line running around the hilltop from southeast to northwest, but with little cover on the southern side.
Meanwhile, the Vietcong commander realized that his best chance was to close with the US forces so that the 173rd’s air and artillery fire could not be effectively employed. Vietcong troops attempted to out-flank the US position atop the hill from both the east and the southwest, moving his troops closer to the Americans. The result was shoulder-to-shoulder attacks up the hillside, hand-to-hand fighting, and isolation of parts of B and C Companies; the Americans held against two such attacks. Although the fighting continued after the second massed attack, it reduced in intensity as the Vietcong troops again attempted to disengage and withdraw, scattering into the jungle to throw off the trail of pursuing US snipers. By late afternoon it seemed that contact had been broken, allowing the two companies to prepare a night defensive position and collect their dead and wounded in the center of the position. Although a few of the most seriously wounded were extracted by USAF helicopters using Stokes litters, the triple-canopy jungle prevented the majority from being evacuated until the morning of 9 November.
The result of the battle was heavy losses on both sides—49 Paratroopers dead, many wounded, and 403 dead Vietcong troops as an estimate by the US troops.
Operation Hump is memorialized in a song by Big and Rich named 8th of November. The introduction, as read by Kris Kristofferson, is:
Battle of An Loc
The Battle of An Lộc was a major battle of the Vietnam War that lasted for 66 days and culminated in a decisive victory for South Vietnam. In many ways, the struggle for An Lộc in 1972 was an important battle of the war, as South Vietnamese forces halted the North Vietnamese advance towards Saigon.
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An Lộc is the capital of Bình Phước Province located northwest of Military Region III. During North Vietnam’s “Easter Offensive”, (known in Vietnam as the Nguyen Hue Offensive) of 1972, An Lộc was at the centre of People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) strategy, its location on QL-13 near Base Area 708 in Cambodia allowed safeguarding supplies based out of a “neutral” location in order to reduce exposure to U.S. bombing. To protect this critical area, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) had essentially a single division in Bình Phước Province, the 5th Division. During the battle, the 5th Division was outnumbered by a combined force consisting of three PAVN and Viet Cong divisions. This fighting which ensued became the most protracted conflict of the 1972 Easter Offensive.
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On the same day that Lộc Ninh, a small town 20 miles (32 km) north of An Lộc on the border with Cambodia was assaulted, the PAVN 7th Division launched an attack on QL-13 in an attempt to cut off An Lộc from Saigon. To control route QL-13 was to control the road to Saigon, roughly 90 miles (140 km) to the south. This prevented resupply of ARVN forces in An Lộc.
On the evening of April 7, elements of the PAVN 9th Division overran Quần Lợi Base Camp. Its defenders, the 7th Regiment of the 5th Division, were ordered to destroy their heavy equipment (including a combined 105mm and 155mm artillery battery) and fall back to An Lộc. Once captured, the PAVN used Quần Lợi as a staging base for units coming in from Cambodia to join the siege of An Lộc. Key members of COSVN were based there to oversee the battle.
On April 8, the small town of Lộc Ninh was overrun and about half of the defenders escaped to An Lộc.
The ARVN defenders (8,000 strong) did have one card to play throughout the battle, the immense power of U.S. air support. The use of B-52 Stratofortress bombers (capable of carrying 108 MK82 (500 pound) bombs on one run) in a close support tactical role, as well as AC-119 Stinger and AC-130E Spectre gunships, fixed-wing cargo aircraft of varying sizes, AH-1 Cobra attack helicopters and Vietnamese Air Force (VNAF) A-37s. These methods worked to blunt the PAVN offensive. At this stage in the war, the PAVN often attacked with PT-76 amphibious and T-54 medium tanks spearheading the advance, usually preceded by a massive artillery barrage. These tactics reflected Soviet doctrine, as the PAVN had been supplied with Soviet and Chinese Communist equipment, including jets, artillery, and surface to air missiles since the beginning of the war. The battle eventually stagnated and became a periodic trade of artillery barrages. This was most probably a result of casualties sustained in the frustrated attacks on heavily entrenched enemy positions in control of a withering array of supporting firepower.
The first attack on the city occurred on April 13 and was preceded by a powerful artillery barrage. The PAVN captured several hills to the north and penetrated the northern portion of the city held by the 8th Regiment and 3rd Ranger Group. ARVN soldiers were not accustomed to dealing with tanks, but early success with the M72 LAW, including efforts by teenaged members of the PSDF went a long way to helping the overall effort. The 5th Division commander, General Hung, later ordered tank-destroying teams be formed by each battalion, which included PSDF members who knew the local terrain and could help identify strategic locations to ambush tanks. They took advantage of the fact that the PAVN forces, who were not used to working with tanks, often let the tanks get separated from their infantry by driving through ARVN defensive positions. At that point, all alone inside ARVN lines, they were vulnerable to being singled out by tank-destroying teams.
PAVN T-54 tanks destroyed in An An Lộc
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April 15 saw the second attack on the city. The PAVN were concerned that because the ARVN 1st Airborne Brigade had air-assaulted into positions west of the city, that they were now coming to reinforce the defenders. Again the PAVN preceded their attack with an artillery barrage followed by a tank-infantry attack. Like before, their tanks became separated from their infantry and fell prey to ARVN anti-tank weapons. PAVN infantry followed behind the tank deployment, assaulted the ARVN defensive positions, and pushed farther into the city. B-52 strikes helped break up some PAVN units assembling for the attack. This engagement lasted until tapering off on the afternoon of April 16.
Unable to take the city, the PAVN kept it under constant artillery fire. They also moved in more anti-aircraft guns to prevent aerial resupply. Heavy anti-aircraft fire kept VNAF helicopters from getting into the city after April 12. In response, fixed wing VNAF aircraft (C-123’s and C-119’s) made attempts, but after suffering loses, the U.S. Air Force took over on April 19. The US used C-130’s to parachute in supplies, but many missed the defenders and several aircraft were shot down or damaged. Low altitude drops during day and night did not do the job, so by May 2, the USAF began using High Altitude Low Opening (HALO) techniques. With far greater success, this method of resupply was utilized until June 25, when the siege was lifted and aircraft could land at An Lộc. Over the entire course of the resupply effort, the garrison recovered several thousand tons of supplies—the only supplies it received during the siege.
On May 11, 1972, the PAVN launched a massive all-out infantry and armor (T-54 medium tanks) assault on An Lộc. The attack was carried out by units of the 5th and 9th PAVN divisions.This attack was repulsed by a combination of U.S. airpower and the determined stand of ARVN soldiers on the ground. Almost every B-52 in Southeast Asia was called in to strike the massing enemy tanks and infantry. The commander of the defending forces had placed a grid around the town creating many “boxes”, each measuring 1 km by 3 km in size, which were given a number and could be called by ground forces at any time. The B-52 cells (groups of 3 aircraft) were guided onto these boxes by ground-based radar. During May 11 and 12, the U.S. Air Force managed an “Arc Light” mission every 55 minutes for 30 hours straight—using 170 B-52’s and smashing whole regiments of PAVN in the process. Despite this air support, the PAVN made gains, and were within a few hundred meters of the ARVN 5th Division command post. ARVN counter-attacks were able to stabilize the situation. By the night of May 11, the PAVN consolidated their gains. On May 12, they launched new attacks in an effort to take the city, but again failed. The PAVN launched one more attack on May 19 in honor of Ho Chi Minh’s birthday. The defenders were not surprised, and the attack was broken up by U.S. air support and an ambush by the ARVN paratroopers.
After the attacks of May 11 and 12, the PAVN directed its main efforts to cut off any more relief columns. However, by the 9th of June this proved ineffective, and the defenders were able to receive the injection of manpower and supplies needed to sweep the surrounding area of PAVN. By June 18, 1972, the battle had been declared over.
The victory, however, was not complete, QL-13 still was not open. The ARVN 18th Division was moved in to replace the exhausted 5th Division. The 18th Division would spread out from An Lộc and push the PAVN back, increasing stability in the area.
On August 8, the 18th Division launched an assault to retake Quần Lợi, but was stopped by the PAVN in the base’s reinforced concrete bunkers. A second attack was launched on August 9 with limited gains. Attacks on the base continued for 2 weeks; eventually one-third of the base was captured. Finally, the ARVN attacked the PAVN-occupied bunkers with TOW missiles and M-202 rockets, breaking the PAVN defense and forcing the remaining defenders to flee the base.
The fighting at An Lộc demonstrated the continued ARVN dependence on U.S. air power and U.S. advisors. For the PAVN, it demonstrated their logistical constraints; following each attack, resupply times caused lengthy delays in their ability to properly defend their position.
Operation Lam Son 719
Despite equivocal results in Cambodia, less than a year later the Americans pressed the South Vietnamese to launch a second cross-border operation, this time into Laos. Although the United States would provide air, artillery, and logistical support, Army advisers would not accompany South Vietnamese forces. The Americans’ enthusiasm for the operation exceeded that of their allies. Anticipating high casualties, South Vietnam’s leaders were reluctant to involve their army once more in extended operations outside their country.
The Ho Chi Minh Trail was an ever-changing network of paths and roads. For North Vietnam, keeping the Ho Chi Minh Trail open was a top priority. American intelligence had detected a North Vietnamese buildup in the vicinity of Tchepone, Laos, a logistical center on the Ho Chi Minh Trail approximately twenty-five miles west of the South Vietnamese border. The Military Assistance Command regarded the buildup as a prelude to a North Vietnamese spring offensive in the northern provinces. Like the Cambodian incursion, the Laotian invasion was justified as benefiting Vietnamization, but with the added bonuses of spoiling a prospective offensive and cutting off the Ho Chi Minh Trail. This would be the last chance for the South Vietnamese to cut the Ho Chi Minh Trail while American forces were available to provide support.
Phase I, designated DEWEY CANYON II, began at 0001 local time on 30 January, as US troops maneuvered to secure western Quang Tri province. An assault airstrip became operational at Khe Sanh by 3 February; Route 9 was repaired and cleared to the Laotian border by 5 February. Behind this cover, the better part of two South Vietnamese divisions massed at Khe Sanh in preparation for the cross border attack.
Because of security leaks, the North Vietnamese were not deceived. Within a week South Vietnamese forces numbering about 17,000 became bogged down by heavy enemy resistance, bad weather, and poor attack management. The ARVN had run into a superior North Vietnamese force fighting on a battlefield that the enemy had carefully prepared. In midsummer 1970, the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) General Staff began drawing up combat plans, deploying forces, and directing preparation of the battlefield. By 8 February 1971, when the ARVN crossed the Laotian border, the North Vietnamese, by their own account, had massed some 60,000 troops in the Route 9-Southern Laos front. They included five main force divisions, two separate regiments, eight artillery regiments, three engineer regiments, three tank battalions, six anti-aircraft regiments, and eight sapper battalions, plus logistic and transportation units-according to North Vietnamese historians “our army’s greatest concentration of combined-arms forces . . . up to that point.”
Aided by heavy U.S. air strikes, including B-52s, and plenty of artillery and helicopter gunship support, the South Vietnamese inched forward and after a bloody, month-long delay, air-assaulted on March 6 into the heavily bombed town of Tchepone. This was the last bit of good news from the front. This was the RVNAF’s last chance to make a dramatic impression upon the North Vietnamese. The North Vietnamese by now had massed five divisions with perhaps 45,000 troops-more than twice the ARVN force in Laos-for counterattacks. The North Vietnamese counterattacked with Soviet- built tanks, heavy artillery, and infantry. They struck the rear of the South Vietnamese forces strung out on Highway 9, blocking their main avenue of withdrawal. Enemy forces also overwhelmed several South Vietnamese firebases, depriving South Vietnamese units of desperately needed flank protection. The South Vietnamese also lacked enough antitank weapons to counter the North Vietnamese armor that appeared on the Laotian jungle trails and were inexperienced in the use of those they had. U.S. Army helicopter pilots flying gunship and resupply missions and trying to rescue South Vietnamese soldiers from their besieged hilltop firebases encountered intense antiaircraft fire.
On March 16, ten days after Tchepone was taken, President Thieu issued the order to pull out, turning aside General Abrams’ plea for an expansion of the offensive to do serious damage to the trail.
The ARVN withdrawal, conducted mainly along Route 9, ran from 17 until 24 March. A North Vietnamese ambush on 19 March littered the road with wrecked vehicles. Artillery pieces were abandoned, and a good many men had to make their way on foot to landing zones for evacuation. American media carried pictures of ARVN soldiers clinging to the skids of US helicopters.
The South Vietnamese lost nearly 1,600 men. The U.S. Army’s lost 215 men killed, 1,149 wounded, and 38 missing. The Army also lost 108 helicopters, the highest number in any one operation of the war. Supporters of helicopter warfare pointed to heavy enemy casualties and argued that equipment losses were reasonable, given the large number of helicopters and helicopter sorties (more than 160,000) that supported LAM SON 719. The battle nevertheless raised disturbing questions among Army officials about the vulnerability of helicopters in mid- or high-intensity conflict to any significant antiaircraft capability.
Watch a short 5-minute video from an American pilot who participated in the operation. Afterward, click on the back arrow key to return to this article:
The Battle for Quang Tri occurred in and around Quang Tri City (Quang Tri Province), the northernmost provincial capital of Republic of South Vietnam during the Tet Offensive when the Vietcong and People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) attacked Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) and American forces across major cities and towns in South Vietnam in an attempt to force the Saigon government to collapse. This included several attacks across northern I Corps, most importantly at Hue, Da Nang and Quang Tri City. After being put on the defensive in the city of Quang Tri, the anti-communist forces regrouped and forced the communists out of the town after a day of fighting.
Quang Tri City looking northeast, fall 1967: the Quang Tri Citadel is at the upper left with Tri Buu Village beyond it; the Thach Han River is in the center
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In 1968, Quang Tri City was a small market town and the capital of Quang Tri Province, the northernmost province of South Vietnam, bordering North Vietnam to the north, and Laos to the west. Like the old imperial capital at Hue, Quang Tri City is located on Route 1. It is about 10 kilometers (6.2 mi) inland from the South China Sea along the eastern bank of the Thach Han River, 25 kilometers (16 mi) south of the former Demilitarized Zone. Because Quang Tri City was an important symbol of South Vietnamese government authority and was arguably the most vulnerable provincial capital in South Vietnam, it was a prime target of the North Vietnamese during the 1968 Tet Offensive. The North Vietnamese had attacked and briefly overrun and occupied the city ten months earlier, on April 6, 1967, in a large scale coordinated attack by a reinforced PAVN regiment, inflicting significant casualties on Allied Forces before the attack was defeated. They freed 220 Communist prisoners from a city prison, and caused widespread destruction at ARVN facilities in and around the city and in adjacent districts. The permanent loss of the city to the Communists would be a political embarrassment and weaken the government’s legitimacy, and would allow the establishment of a Communist administrative center in the South. The question was not whether the Communists would attack Quang Tri City again, but when.
Particularly given their failure to hold Quang Tri City after overrunning and briefly occupying it in April 1967 despite committing a large force of about 2,500 men, the Communists became more aware of the difficulties of attacking and capturing the city. In the weeks before Tet, they had attempted to lure allied forces from the coastal lowlands to the mountains by threatening several of the Marine combat bases along Highway 9 in the western part of the province. But while the U.S. Marines had shifted some forces to their base at Khe Sanh, MACV commanders had reinforced eastern Quang Tri Province in late January with the 1st Brigade of the 1st Cavalry Division. The existence of major American units near Quang Tri City came as a shock to the enemy, but with little time to make adjustments, the Communists decided to move forward with their original plan.
ARVN 1st Regiment airfield and compound at La Vang Thuong, fall 1967, looking south
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The brunt of the attack would fall on the ARVN forces in and around the city. These were the 1st Vietnamese Regiment, the 9th Airborne Battalion, an Armored Personnel Carrier (APC) Troop attached to the 1st Regiment (2nd Troop of the ARVN 7th Cavalry), the National Police—a paramilitary body led by regular military officers stationed within the city—and Regional and Popular Force (militia) elements in the city. The 1st Regiment had two of its battalions in positions to the north of the city, and one to the northeast, protecting pacified villages in those areas. The Regiment’s fourth battalion was in positions south of the city in and around the regiment’s headquarters at La Vang. One Airborne company was bivouacked in Tri Buu village on the northern edge of the city with elements in the Citadel, and two Airborne companies were positioned just south of the city in the area of a large cemetery where Highway 1 crosses Route 555.
January 27, 1968. 1st Cav LRP atop LZ Betty’s water tower.
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The 1st Brigade of the 1st US Cavalry Division commanded by Colonel Donald V. Rattan had been moved from near Hue and Phu Bai six days earlier to Quang Tri Province, with its headquarters at Landing Zone Betty two kilometers south of Quang Tri City, with the bulk of its force at LZ Sharon, another kilometer south, in order to launch attacks on Communist Base Area 101 roughly 15 kilometers (9.3 mi) to the west-southwest. The brigade had an additional mission to block approaches into the city from the southwest but was primarily focused on its offensive mission. Accordingly, had quickly established two fire bases, one 15 kilometers (9.3 mi) west of the city and another in the middle of the Communist base areas in the hills west of Quang Tri City. The 2nd Brigade of the 101st Airborne Division was also moved into Quang Tri Province in late January, reinforcing the two brigades of the 1st Cavalry in the area.
Start of Tet Offensive as seen from LZ Betty’s water tower.
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The coordinated Communist assault was scheduled to begin at 0200 on 31 January. The 10th Sapper began its attacks on time, but the arrival and attacks of the PAVN infantry and artillery units were delayed by at least two hours by heavy rains and swollen streams and their lack of familiarity with the geography of Quang Tri Province, and they did not start to move into position until about 0400. As a result, Regional and Popular Forces, local National Police elements, and elements of the 1st ARVN Regiment located within the city were able to respond to the sappers without having to contend with the main attack at the same time.
As the 814th Battalion was moving into position to attack Quang Tri from the northeast, it unexpectedly encountered the 9th ARVN Airborne company in Tri Buu village, which engaged it in a sharp firefight lasting about 20 minutes. The Airborne company was nearly annihilated and an American adviser killed, but its stubborn resistance stalled the 814th battalion’s assault on the Citadel and the city. By 0420, the heavy communist pressure and overwhelming numbers forced the surviving South Vietnamese paratroopers to pull back into the city, and the 814th attacked and attempted to enter the Citadel unsuccessfully.
The assault against the eastern and southeastern part the city was initially successful. At about 0420, as the 814th Battalion began its delayed assault on the Citadel, the K4 Battalion of the 812th PAVN Regiment skirted the lower edge of Tri Buu Village and swarmed into the city, attempting to seize strong points and assaulting the Citadel from the south. South Vietnamese irregulars and National Policemen slowed the enemy’s advance, however, and it’s assaults on the southern wall of the Citadel were beaten back. Adding to its difficulties was the failure of an expected “general uprising” it had been told to expect. To the south, the PAVN K6 battalion slammed unexpectedly into the two Airborne companies resulting in an intense, extended firefight.
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Quang Tri City looking south, fall 1967: The Citadel is in the lower center and right; the cemetery at the junction of Route 555 and Highway 1 is at the far upper center and left (Highway 1 runs east and west at that point); the bridge in the distance carried Highway 1 across the Thach Han River
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Shortly after dawn the 1st Infantry Regimental commander ordered his battalions to recapture the city. His three battalions north of Quang Tri City began marching toward the capital. Along the way, they collided with the 808th Battalion blocking Highway 1 near the Trieu Phong District headquarters which temporarily stopped their assault. At about the same time, ARVN troops at La Vang began moving north toward the fighting between the Airborne companies and the K6 Battalion in the cemetery south of the city, and were ambushed by the K6th, slowing their advance to a crawl. Fighting south of the city there was heavy throughout the morning. Only the NVA K5 Battalion, holding a position in Hai Lang District to block reinforcements from Hue, remained unengaged in the fighting.
At the start of the communist attack, the ARVN 1st Regimental headquarters at La Vang and Col. Rattan’s headquarters at Landing Zone Betty south of La Vang came under sporadic rocket and mortar attacks and ground assaults by elements of the 10th Sapper Battalion, while extremely heavy fog hampered visibility. The fog also prevented shifting the 1st Battalion of the 8th US Cavalry Regiment (1st Cavalry Division) its base camp in the mountains west of Quang Tri. The 1st Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, of the 101st Airborne Division, which was under the control of the 1st Cavalry Division, continued its base defense mission and just west of Quang Tri.
This left only the 1st Battalion of the 12th US Cavalry Regiment and the 1st Battalion of the 5th Cavalry Regiment to support the ARVN units engaged with the Communist. Both battalions had opened new fire bases to the west of Quang Tri, along the river valley leading to Khe Sanh. At approximately 1345 on 31 January, Col. Rattan directed the battalions to close out the new fire bases and launch assaults as soon as possible to reduce the Communists’ ability to bring additional forces into the city and also blocking their withdrawal. By 1600, the cavalry battalions had air assaulted into five locations northeast, east, and southeast of Quang Tri City where Brewer intelligence sources had showed Communist units located. The American helicopters received heavy fire as they landed troops east of the city in the middle of the heavy weapons support of the K-4 Battalion, and fighting there continued until 1900 as the Communists fought with machine guns, mortars, and recoilless rifles. Engaged by ARVN forces in and near the city, and by American forces on the east, the K4 Battalion was soon overcome.
Two companies of the 1st Battalion of the 5th Cavalry air-assaulted southeast of Quang Tri engaging the K6 Battalion from the rear in a heavy firefight, while ARVN troops blocked and attacked it from the direction of the city. American helicopter gunships and artillery hit the Communist troops hard causing significant further casualties. By nightfall on the 31st, the battered 812th Regiment decided to withdraw, though clashes continued throughout the night.
Quang Tri City was clear of Communist troops by midday on 1 February, and ARVN units with U.S. air support had cleared Tri Buu Village of PAVN troops. The remnants of the 812th, having been hit hard by ARVN defenders and American air power and ground troops on the outskirts of the city, particularly artillery and helicopters, broke up into small groups, sometimes mingling with crowds of fleeing refugees, and began to exfiltrate the area, trying to avoid further contact with Allied forces. They were pursued by the American forces in a circular formation forced contact with the fleeing Communists over the next ten days. Heavy fighting continued with large well-armed Communist forces south of Quang Tri City, and there were lighter contacts in other areas. This pursuit continued throughout the first ten days of February.
The American military considered the Communist attack on Quang Tri “without a doubt one of the major objectives of the Tet offensive”. They attributed the decisive Communist defeat to the hard-nosed South Vietnamese defense, effective intelligence on Communist movements provided by Robert Brewer, and the air mobile tactics of the 1st Cavalry Division. Between 31 January and 6 February, the allies killed an estimated 914 Communists and captured another 86 in and around Quang Tri City.
The rapid defeat of the regimental-size enemy force that assaulted Quang Tri City proved to be one of the most decisive victories the allies secured during the Tet Offensive. Aside from mopping up operations in the countryside, it was effectively over less than twenty-four hours after it had begun. Most elements of the 812th PAVN Regiment were so badly mauled that they avoided all contact for the next several weeks, when they otherwise might have played a role in the battle for Hue 50 kilometers (31 mi) to the south. Losing the province capital would have been a severe blow to South Vietnamese morale, and PAVN units could have caused extensive damage to nearby ARVN and American bases had they captured long range ARVN artillery pieces in the Citadel. They would also have cut off resupply traffic on Highway 1 to allied forces along the DMZ and the Marines at Khe Sanh. The PAVN’s swift defeat preserved an important symbol of South Vietnamese national pride and allowed the allies to devote more resources to other battles in northern I Corps, particularly to the struggle for Hue.
The Battle of Ben Het Special Forces Camp
Ben Het Camp (also known as Ben Het Special Forces Camp, Ben Het Ranger Camp and FSB Ben Het) is a former U.S. Army and Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) base northwest of Kon Tum in the Central Highlands of Vietnam. The camp was notable for being the site of a tank battle between the U.S. Army and the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN), one of the few such encounters during the Vietnam War.
The 5th Special Forces Group Detachment A-244 first established a base at Ben Het in the early 1960s to monitor communist infiltration along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. The base was located approximately 13 km from the Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia tri-border area, 15 km northwest of Đắk Tô and 53 km northwest of Kon Tum.
One of two PT-76s from the PAVN 202nd Armored Regiment, destroyed by US M48 Patton’s, from the 1/69th Armored battalion, during the battle of Ben Het, March 3, 1969, Vietnam
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On 3 March 1969, Ben Het was attacked by the PAVN 66th Regiment, supported by armored vehicles of the 4th Battalion, 202nd Armored Regiment. One of the attacking PT-76s detonated a land mine, which alerted the camp and lit up the other PT-76s attacking the base. Flares were sent up, exposing adversary tanks, but sighting in on muzzle flashes, one PT-76 scored a direct hit on the turret of an M-48 of the 1st Battalion, 69th Armor Regiment, killing two crewmen and wounding two more. Another M-48, using the same technique, destroyed a PT-76 with their second shot. At daybreak, the battlefield revealed the wreckage of two PT-76s and one BTR-50 armored personnel carrier.
The PAVN 28th and 66th Regiments continued to besiege the base from May to June 1969.
Since January 1972 it had become clear that the North Vietnamese were building up for offensive operations in the tri-border region. ARVN forces had been deployed forward toward the border in order to slow the PAVN advance and allow the application of airpower to deplete North Vietnamese manpower and logistics. To counter the possible threat from the west, two regiments of the 22nd Division were deployed to Tân Cảnh and Đắk Tô and the 1st Squadron, 19th Armored Cavalry Regiment equipped with M41 tanks was deployed to Ben Het. On 24 April, the 2nd PAVN Division, elements of the 203rd Tank Regiment, and several independent regiments of the B-3 Front attacked Tân Cảnh and Đắk Tô rapidly overrunning both bases with their T-54 tanks. On 9 May 1972, elements of the PAVN 203rd Armored Regiment assaulted Ben Het. ARVN Rangers destroyed the first three PT-76 tanks with BGM-71 TOW missiles, thereby breaking up the attack. The Rangers spent the rest of the day stabilizing the perimeter ultimately destroying 11 tanks and killing over 100 PAVN.
Battle of Ben Het 1969
My friend, Frank Evans participated in this battle and wrote a book about it (Stand To…A Journey to Manhood) which can be found on Amazon. Here is an excerpt about the battle:
Ben Het was under siege. Each day, a deadly flurry of artillery and mortar rounds destroyed bunkers and damaged equipment. Casualties increased. Small-scale ground attacks tested the defenses of the camp. Friendly patrols near the camp encountered enemy soldiers in groups of five to ten men daily. Frequently, larger enemy units operated near the camp. On a recent mission, a mobile strike force unit reported battling an entrenched battalion-sized force of at least two hundred. Convoys were ambushed regularly. Aircraft received ground fire at every attempt to land. Helicopters, and occasionally a C-130 or C-7A, dared to brave the machinegun and mortar fires on the airstrip to bring in supplies. Our radio communication with the tactical command post in Dak To kept them informed about how defenses were holding up here. I began to appreciate the comparison that Sergeant Spence made between the French garrison at Dien Bien Phu and Ben Het. Morale was high in spite of the constant barrage of enemy fires. Internal exchanges also relied upon radio, the least secure means of communication since the enemy could easily intercept them with a radio and the right frequency. We had to assume our conversations were being monitored; intermittently, an unknown radio station attempted to obtain friendly information on the location of patrols and their activities. The more secure field telephone landline wire was repeatedly cut by the constant bombardment or by saboteurs. Sergeant Smith picked up the radio log and asked, “Anything goin’ on this morning, sir?” “We had one CIDG KIA on the west hill last night. One of the MSF units lost two KIA and two WIA, plus two US WIA. One was pretty badly wounded. They ran into bad guys in bunkers and took heavy automatic weapons fire. They’re still in contact. The enemy has claymore mines, too.” “Uh huh. Must’ve captured some of our claymores somewhere. I tell you, sir. The enemy’s moving all over the place around here. They’re gettin’ bolder.” “We have two MSF companies reinforcing us plus the one here in the camp. Another one has been requested from Dak Pek to reinforce the MSF company in contact now. Spooky has been working the hills and trail networks.” “I heard it. Three Gatling guns. Man, six thousand rounds per minute each! Sorta sounds like hmmmmmmmm…hmmmmmmmm…hmmmmmmmm. Those guns are spewing out red tracers every fifth round, but it looks like a steady stream of red lines from the aircraft to the ground. No wonder Charlie is afraid of the Dragon. Thank you for the excerpt Frank and Thank you for your service!
Here too, is a YouTube video also describing the battle:
The Battle of Binh Ghia
The Battle of Binh Gia (Vietnamese: Trận Bình Giã), which was part of a larger communist campaign, was conducted by the Viet Cong from December 28, 1964, to January 1, 1965, during the Vietnam War in Bình Giã. The battle took place in Phước Tuy Province (now part of Bà Rịa–Vũng Tàu Province), South Vietnam.
The year of 1964 marked a decisive turning point in the Vietnam War. The fragility of the South Vietnamese government was reflected on the battlefield, where its military experienced great setbacks against the Viet Cong. Taking advantage of Saigon’s political instability, Communist leaders in Hanoi began preparing for war. Even though key members of North Vietnam’s Politburo disagreed on the best strategy to reunite their country, they ultimately went ahead to prepare for armed struggle against South Vietnam and their American supporters.
Towards the end of 1964, the Viet Cong commenced a series of large-scale military operations against the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), as ordered by the North Vietnamese government. As part of their Winter-Spring Offensive, the Viet Cong unleashed its newly created 9th Division against the South Vietnamese forces at Bình Giã, fighting a large set-piece battle for the first time. Over a period of four days, the Viet Cong 9th Division held its ground and mauled the best units the South Vietnamese army could send against them, only breaking after intense attack by U.S. bombers.
In July 1964, the Viet Cong 271st and 272nd Regiments, began moving into the provinces of Bình Dương, Bình Long and Phước Long to carry out their mission. During the first phase of their campaign, the Viet Cong regiments overran several strategic hamlets at Xan Sang, Cam Xe, Dong Xa, and Thai Khai. Between August and September 1964, Viet Cong regiments executed deep thrusts into Bình Dương and Châu Thành to apply additional pressure on South Vietnamese outposts situated on Route 14. During the second phase of their campaign, the Viet Cong ambushed two South Vietnamese infantry companies and destroyed five armored vehicles, which consisted of M24 Chaffee light tanks and M113 armored personnel carriers. The Viet Cong defeated regular ARVN units at the strategic hamlets of Bình Mỹ and Bình Co.
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Colonel Ta Minh Kham (second from left), commander of the Viet Cong 272nd Regiment, with other high-ranking Viet Cong officers
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During the war about 6,000 people lived in Bình Giã, and most of whom were staunchly anti-communist. The inhabitants of Bình Giã were Roman Catholic refugees who had fled from North Vietnam in 1954 during Operation Passage to Freedom because of fears of Communist persecution. To prepare for their main battle, the Viet Cong 272nd Regiment was ordered to block Inter-provincial Road No. 2 and 15, and destroy any South Vietnamese units attempting to reach Bình Giã from the south-western flank of the battlefield. In the days leading up to the battle, the Viet Cong often came out to harass the local militia forces. On December 9, 1964, the 272nd Regiment destroyed an entire South Vietnamese mechanized rifle company along Inter-provincial Road No. 2, destroying 16 M-113 APCs. On December 17, the 272nd Regiment destroyed another six armored vehicles on Inter-provincial Road No. 15.
During the early hours of December 28, 1964, elements of the Viet Cong 271st Regiment and the 445th Company, signaled their main attack on Bình Giã by penetrating the village’s eastern perimeter. There, they clashed with members of the South Vietnamese Popular Force militiamen, which numbered about 65 personnel. The militia fighters proved no match for the Viet Cong and their overwhelming firepower, so they quickly retreated into underground bunkers, and called for help. Once the village was captured, Colonel Ta Minh Kham, the Viet Cong regimental commander, established his command post in the main village church and waited for fresh reinforcements, which came in the form of heavy mortars, machine guns and recoilless rifles. To counter South Vietnamese helicopter assaults, Colonel Kham’s troops set up a network of defensive fortifications around the village, with trenches and bunkers protected by land mines and barbed wire. The local Catholic priest, who was also the village chief, sent a bicycle messenger out to the Bà Rịa district headquarters to ask for a relief force. In response, the Bà Rịa district chief sent out elements of two Vietnamese Rangers battalions to retake Bình Giã. On December 29, two companies of the ARVN 33rd Ranger Battalion and a company from the 30th Ranger Battalion were airlifted into area located west of Bình Giã, by helicopters from the U.S. 118th Aviation Company to face an enemy force of unknown size.
However, as soon as the soldiers from the 30th and 33rd Ranger Battalions arrived at the landing zone, they were quickly overwhelmed by the Viet Cong in a deadly ambush.The entire 30th Ranger Battalion was then committed to join the attack, but they too did not initially succeed in penetrating the strong Viet Cong defensive lines. Several more companies of the Rangers then arrived for an attack from multiple directions. Two companies of the 33rd Ranger Battalion advanced from the northeast. One of them came to the outskirts of the village, but was unable to break through the enemy defenses. The other one, trying to outflank the enemy, had been lured into a kill zone in open terrain and were quickly obliterated in an ambush by the three VC battalions using heavy weapons. The two companies suffered a 70 percent casualty rate, and survivors were forced to retreat to the nearby Catholic church. The 30th Rangers had more success by assaulting from the western direction and succeeded in fighting their way into the village, aided by local residents. It however also suffered heavy losses, with the battalion commander and his American adviser severely wounded. The local civilians in Bình Giã retrieved weapons and ammunition from the dead Rangers, and hid the wounded government soldiers from the Viet Cong. The 38th Ranger Battalion, on the other hand, landed on the battlefield unopposed by the Viet Cong, and they immediately advanced on Bình Giã from the south. Soldiers from the 38th Rangers spent the whole day fighting, but they could not break through their enemies’ defenses to link up with the survivors hiding in the church, and fell back after calling in mortar fire to decimate Viet Cong fighters moving to encircle them.
The morning of December 30, the 4th South Vietnamese Marine Battalion moved out to Biên Hòa Air Base, waiting to be airlifted into the battlefield. The 1/4th Marine Battalion was the first unit to arrive on the outskirts of Bình Giã, but the 1st Company commander decided to secure the landing zone, to wait for the rest of the battalion to arrive instead of moving on to their objective. After the rest of the 4th Marine Battalion had arrived, they marched towards the Catholic church to relieve the besieged Rangers. About one and a half hours later, the 4th Marine Battalion linked up with the 30th, 33rd and 38th Ranger Battalions, as the Viet Cong began withdrawing to the northeast. That afternoon the 4th Marine Battalion recaptured the village, but the Viet Cong was nowhere to be seen, as all their units had withdrawn from the village during the previous night, linking with other Viet Cong elements in the forest to attack the government relief forces. On the evening of December 30, the Viet Cong returned to Bình Giã and attacked from the south-eastern perimeter of the village. The local villagers, who discovered the approaching Viet Cong, immediately sounded the alarm to alert the ARVN soldiers defending the village. The South Vietnamese were able to repel the Viet Cong, with support from U.S. Army helicopter gunships flown out from Vung Tau airbase.
While pursuing the Viet Cong, a helicopter gunship from the U.S. 68th Assault Helicopter Company was shot down and crashed in the Quảng Giao rubber plantation, about four kilometers away from Bình Giã, killing four of its crewmen. On December 31, the U.S. Marines Advisory Group sent a team of four personnel, led by Captain Donald G. Cook, to Bình Giã to observe conditions on the battlefield. At the same time, the 4th Marine Battalion was ordered to locate the crashed helicopter and recover the bodies of the dead American crewmen. Acting against the advice of his American advisor, Major Nguyễn Văn Nho, commander of the 4th Marine Battalion, sent his 2/4th Marine Battalion company out to the Quảng Giao rubber plantation. Unknown to the 4th Marine Battalion, the Viet Cong 271st Regiment had assembled in the plantation. About one hour after they had departed from the village of Bình Giã, the commander of the 2/4th Marine Battalion reported via radio that his troops had found the helicopter wreckage and bodies of four American crewmen. Shortly afterward, the Viet Cong opened fire and the 2/4th Marine Battalion was forced to pull back. In an attempt to save the 2nd Company, the entire 4th Marine Battalion was sent out to confront the Viet Cong. As the lead element of the 4th Marine Battalion closed in on the Quảng Giao plantation, they were hit by accurate Viet Cong artillery fire, which was soon followed by repeated human wave attacks. Having absorbed heavy casualties from the Viet Cong’s ambush, the 2/4th Marine Battalion had to fight their way out of the plantation with their bayonets fixed. During the entire ordeal, the company did not receive artillery support because the plantation was beyond the range of 105mm artillery guns based in Phước Tuy and Bà Rịa. They, however, escaped with the crucial support of the U.S. aircraft and helicopters whose rocket attacks forced the enemy to pull back and halted their attempt at pursuit.
In the morning of December 31, the 4th Marine Battalion returned to the crash site with the entire force and the American graves were located and their corpses were dug up. At about 3 pm, a single U.S. helicopter arrived on the battlefield to evacuate the casualties, but they only picked up the bodies of the four American crewmen, while South Vietnamese casualties were forced to wait for another helicopter to arrive. At 4 pm, Major Nguyễn Văn Nho ordered the 4th Marine Battalion to carry their casualties back to the village, instead of continuing to wait for the helicopters. As the 4th Marine Battalion began their return march, three Viet Cong battalions, with artillery support, suddenly attacked them from three directions. The battalion’s commanding and executive officers were immediately killed and air support was not available. Two Marine companies managed to fight their way out of the ambush and back to Bình Giã, but the third was overrun and almost completely wiped out. The fourth company desperately held out at a hilltop against Viet Cong artillery barrages and large infantry charges, before slipping out through the enemy positions at dawn. The 4th Marine Battalion of 426 men lost a total of 117 soldiers killed, 71 wounded and 13 missing. Among the casualties were 35 officers of the 4th Marine Battalion killed in action, and the four American advisers attached to the unit were also wounded. Backed by U.S. Air Force bombers, on January 1 three battalions of ARVN Airborne reinforcements arrived, they were too late as most of the Viet Cong had already withdrawn from the battlefield.
The Bình Giã victory monument located in Châu Đức District, Bà Rịa–Vũng Tàu
The battle of Bình Giã reflected the Viet Cong’s growing military strength and influence, especially in the Mekong Delta region. It was the first time the Viet Cong launched a large-scale operation, holding its ground and fighting for four days against government troops equipped with armor, artillery, and helicopters, and aided by U.S. air support and military advisers. The Viet Cong demonstrated that when well-supplied with military supplies from North Vietnam, they had the ability to fight and inflict damage even on the best ARVN units.
The Viet Cong apparently suffered light casualties with only 32 soldiers officially confirmed killed, and they did not leave a single casualty on the battlefield. In recognition of the 271st Regiment’s performance during the Bình Giã campaign, the NLF High Command bestowed the title ‘Bình Giã Regiment’ on the unit to honor their achievement.
Unlike their adversaries, the South Vietnamese military suffered heavily in their attempts to recapture the village of Bình Giã and secure the surrounding areas. The South Vietnamese and their American allies lost the total of about 201 personnel killed in action, 192 wounded and 68 missing. In just four days of fighting, two of South Vietnam’s elite Ranger companies were destroyed and several others suffered heavy losses, while the 4th Marine Battalion was rendered ineffective as a fighting force. At that stage of the war, Bình Giã was the worst defeat experienced by the South Vietnamese. Despite their losses, the South Vietnamese army considered the battle as their victory and erected a monument at the site of the battle to acknowledge the sacrifices of the soldiers who had fallen to retake Bình Giã.
The Hill Fights
The Hill Fights (also known as the First Battle of Khe Sanh) was a battle during the Vietnam War between the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) 325C Division and United States Marines in spring of 1967.
On 20 April operational control of the Khe Sanh area passed to the 3rd Marine Regiment.
On 22 April 1967 SLF Bravo comprising 2nd Battalion 3rd Marines supported by HMM-164 had commenced Operation Beacon Star on the southern part of the Street Without Joy straddling Quảng Trị and Thừa Thiên Provinces against the Vietcong 6th Regiment and 810th and 812th Battalions.
Hill 861
On 24 April 2nd Platoon, Company B, 3rd Battalion 3rd Marines moved to Hill 700 to establish a mortar position to support another Company. 5 Marines then moved to Hill 861 to establish an observation post, but as they entered a bamboo grove near the summit they were ambushed by the PAVN killing 4 Marines.
After this contact, a squad was sent to investigate and rescued the lone survivor of the ambush, as they attempted to recover the bodies of the dead they were met with fire and withdrew into the mortar position. Another squad moved to the ambush site and recovered two bodies but as an evacuation helicopter approached the hilltop it was hit by heavy fire, which was suppressed by helicopter gunships.
1st and 3rd Platoons Company B were then ordered to move southeast across Hill 861 to cut off the PAVN but were hit by mortar fire, medevac helicopters were called in, attracting PAVN fire each time. 1st and 3rd Platoons dug in for the night while 2nd Platoon withdrew to Khe Sanh Combat Base (KSCB). Marines losses for the day were 12 dead, 2 missing (later found dead) and 17 wounded.
The next morning Company B continued its slow advance on Hill 861, hampered by fog, difficult terrain and PAVN fire. On the afternoon of 25 April, Company K, 3rd Marines (which was scheduled to relieve Company B at KSCB from 29 April) arrived at KSCB and immediately moved towards Hill 861 to support Company B. 1st and 3rd Platoons Company K moved up Hill 861 on different approaches and 1st Platoon was hit by fire from well-entrenched PAVN 300m from the summit. 2nd Platoon was sent to reinforce 1st Platoon and the fighting continued until nightfall when the Marines dug in. At 18:00 Company K, 9th Marines was flown into KSCB to support the attack.
At 05:00 on 26 April the 3rd Battalion command post and KSCB were hit by mortar and recoilless rifle fire. Company K continued their assault on Hill 861 and was joined by Company K, 9th Marines around midday. The assault made little progress and the Marines withdrew protected by fire from helicopter gunships. Company B was also heavily engaged throughout the morning eventually breaking contact at 12:00 and establishing a defensive perimeter on a knoll, medevac helicopters were called in but as they approached this brought PAVN mortar fire and by 14:45 the Company commander reported that he was unable to move. Artillery was then walked into and around the Company’s position forcing the PAVN to fall back, a Marine platoon was then sent to assist Company B as it fell back to the Battalion command post.
On 27 April 3/3 Marines returned to KSCB for replacements and Battery B 12th Marines arrived at KSCB to support Battery F. Marine artillery and aircraft were used to pound Hill 861 throughout the 27th and 28th, dropping 518,700 pounds of bombs and 1800 artillery round on the hill. Due to the dense foliage and overhead cover protecting many of the bunkers Marine aircraft dropped Snakeye bombs to remove the foliage and expose the bunkers and then larger bombs (up to 2000 lb) to destroy them.
The Marines’ plan was for 2/3 Marines to take Hill 861, then 3/3 Marines would move west securing the ground between Hill 861 and Hill 881 South. 2/3 Marines would then provide flank security for 3/3 Marines and take Hill 881 North.
On the afternoon of 28 April 2/3 Marines moved up Hill 861 with minimal opposition as the PAVN had withdrawn from the Hill. The Marines found 25 bunkers and numerous fighting positions and reported an odor of dead bodies across the hilltop.
Hill 881 South
On 29 April with 2/3 Marines having secured Hill 861, 3/3 Marines advanced from KSCB towards a hill 750m northeast of Hill 881S that was to be used as an intermediate position for the attack on Hill 881S. Company M, 9th Marines engaged a PAVN platoon, while Company M 3rd Marines secured the intermediate position and dug in.
On 30 April 2/3 Marines moved from Hill 861 to support 3/3 Marines and walked into a PAVN bunker complex suffering 9 killed and 43 wounded, the Marines backed off to let artillery and air support hit the bunkers and then overran them. Company M 3rd Marines and Company K 9th Marines began their assault on Hill 881S encountering minimal resistance until 10:25 when they were hit by mortar fire and then heavy fire from numerous PAVN bunkers. The Marines were pinned down and only able to disengage after several hours with gunship and air support, the Marines suffered 43 killed and 109 wounded in the engagement while PAVN losses were 163 killed. Company M 3rd Marines was rendered combat ineffective and was replaced by Company F 2/3 Marines and Company E, 9th Marines was deployed to KSCB on the afternoon of 1 May.
The Marines withdrew from Hill 881S to allow for an intense air bombardment, on 1 May 166 Marine sorties were flown against Hills 881 North and South and over 650,000 lbs of bombs were dropped on them resulting in over 140 PAVN killed.
On 2 May Companies K and M, 9th Marines assaulted Hill 881S capturing it with minimal resistance by 14:20. The Marines discovered over 250 bunkers protected by anywhere between 2 and 8 layers of logs and then 4–5 ft of earth, only 50 bunkers remained intact after the bombing.
Hill 881 North
At 10:15 on 2 May Companies E and G 2/3 Marines assaulted Hill 881N from the south and east. Company G encountered a PAVN position and pulled back to allow for artillery support. Company E almost reached the summit of the hill when it was hit by an intense rainstorm and the Battalion was pulled back into night defensive positions.
At 04:15 on 3 May a PAVN force attacked Company E’s night defensive position, penetrating the east of the position and reoccupying some bunkers. A Marine squad sent to drive out the PAVN was hit by machine gun fire and a scratch squad of engineers was sent to support them while air and artillery strikes were called in on the PAVN. A flareship arrived overhead and the Marines on Hill 881S could see approximately 200 PAVN forming up to attack Company E from the west and fired over 100 rounds of recoilless rifle fire to break up this fresh assault. At dawn, reinforcements were flown in to support Company E while Company H 2/3 Marines attacked the PAVN from the rear. The last bunker was cleared at 15:00, 27 Marines were killed and 84 wounded in the attack, while the PAVN had lost 137 killed and 3 captured. Prisoner interrogations revealed plans for another attack on the Marine positions that night but this did not occur.
At 08:50 on 5 May Companies E and F 2/3 Marines began their assault on Hill 881N, PAVN fire increased as they neared the summit and both Companies pulled back to allow for air and artillery strikes. The assault resumed at 13:00 and by 14:45 the hilltop had been captured.
After securing Hill 881N the Marines thoroughly searched the area around Hills 881N and 881S and air and artillery strikes were called in on suspected PAVN positions, but it appeared that the PAVN had withdrawn north across the DMZ or west into Laos.
Hill 861 in the forefront and beyond are 881S (left peak) and 881N
On 9 May Company F 2/3 Marines encountered a PAVN force 3.2 km northwest of Hill 881N, artillery fire was called in and Company E was deployed in support. The engagement resulted in 24 Marines killed and 19 wounded while PAVN losses were 31 killed, while a further 203 recent graves were discovered in the area.
At midnight on 9/10 May the PAVN attacked Reconnaissance Team Breaker of the 3rd Reconnaissance Battalion, the PAVN could have easily overrun the Marines but instead targeted the Marine helicopters attempting to extract them severely damaging several helicopters. Marine losses were 4 Reconnaissance Team members and 1 helicopter pilot, while PAVN losses were 7 dead.
The Hill Fights officially ended on 10 May. Marine losses were 155 dead and 425 wounded while PAVN losses were 940 confirmed dead. Intelligence gathered after the battle was over found that the PAVN plan was to build up stores and positions north of KSCB, isolate the base from resupply by attacks on Marines bases in northern I Corps, launch a diversionary attack on Lang Vei Special Forces Camp (which occurred as scheduled on 4 May) and then several Regiments of the 325C Division would overrun KSCB, however, the encounter on 24 April had frustrated the PAVN plan.
The Battle of Trang Bang
1ST BDE – A combined arms team of 25th Inf Div armor and infantry killed more than 100 Viet Cong and North Vietnamese forces in a third full day of heavy fighting 54 kms northwest of Saigon. The actions brought to 340 the total number of enemy dead since elements of the 2nd Bde 27 Inf. Wolfhounds of the 25th Division came in contact with an estimated enemy regiment in rice paddies and hedgerows near the district capital of Trang Bang.
The action began as Co B, 2nd Bn, 14th Inf, touched down in open fields east of a small village four kms west of the scene of a 20-hour battle that cost enemy forces 87 dead. Repeating the first fight, the company came under heavy enemy small arms, automatic weapons and rocket fire as it approached the village. Calling for reinforcements, two more companies joined the battle. They also began to return fire with small arms, machine guns and grenade launchers against the entrenched enemy.
Soon after the contact began helicopter gunships, artillery and Air Force fighter bombers were called in to aid the embattled battalion. In addition, a nearby armor task force, led by the 2nd Bn, 34th Armor, with Co C of the 1st Bn (Mech), 5th Inf, sped to the scene of the fight to block off the village to the south. Repeated assaults by the U.S. forces were stopped by the enemy. At nightfall, the infantry-armor task force pulled back while 20 air strikes and 5000 rounds of artillery pounded the area throughout the night.
An early morning assault again halted when the ground units received heavy fire upon approaching the village. After the second series of artillery and air strikes, the U.S. forces encountered only light resistance and swept through the village. According to LTC Alfred M. Bracy, task force commander, an estimated Viet Cong and North Vietnamese battalion had occupied the village. Bracy praised his men for their actions, stating that their morale was high despite the two around-the-clock battles in three days. “There’s a job to do and we will do it,” said Bracy of his unit’s spirit.
SP4 Jimmy J. Mathis of Cochran, Ga., repeated his commander’s comments, “We’ve had so much contact lately, doing the right thing is just becoming natural in a fight.” A few of the men even expressed a certain sympathy for the enemy. “When I get tired and worn out, I think about how much better off we are than Charlie, and I feel better,” said SP4 Daniel R. Mitchell of Santa Maria, Calif., as he watched an air strike fall on the enemy. Captured enemy equipment in the action included 14 AK-47 assault rifles, 2 RPG-2 rocket launchers, 6 Chicom light machine guns and thousands of rounds of small arms ammunition.
This is also the same village made infamous in 1972 when a South Vietnamese Air Force pilot mistakenly dropped napalm on the village. A photo taken shows a young girl who was severely burned and running up the street toward troops (Napalm girl).
VC MACHINE GUN– A captured Viet Cong heavy anti-aircraft machine gun receives close inspection by members of the 2nd Bn, 34th Armor, 25th Inf Div, who captured it in a battle 54 kms northwest of Saigon. (Photo By SP5 Gary Johnson)
Battle of Tam Quan
The following account is told by Rigo Ordaz who participated in the battle and published this article on History dot com. The Battle of Tam Quan Dec. 6-20 pitted elements of the Ist Cavalry Division’s First Brigade and the First Battalion (Mechanized) 50th Infantry against a tenacious and well-fortified enemy of the 22nd NVA Regiment of the 3rd (Sao Vang-Yellow Star) NVA Division. The battle took place close to the town of Tam Quan in the Central Highland’s coastal northern part of Binh Din Province. The Battle of Tam Quan was the biggest and most successful during Operation Pershing. The victorious U.S. units destroyed at least two battalions of the 22nd NVA Regiment which was setting up for the upcoming 1968 Tet Offensive. It accounted for 1/8 of all enemy killed for the whole year. When the smoke of the battle cleared the 1st Cavalry Division and the 1st Battalion (Mechanized), 50th Infantry emerged victorious and the enemy lost over 650 of their troops against only 58 U.S casualties in a battle which is rated 15th of the 20 deadliest battles of the Vietnam War. Unfortunately, the 1/50(M) Infantry lost 12 Americans on the 10th of December alone.
Aerial reconnaissance forces of the 1st Cavalry Divisions had found many indications of a troop buildup which includes an enormous Russian Ship to Shore radio on the beach. During the month of November and the first part of December 1967 there were many indications that the enemy was building up forces in preparation for the coming Tet Offensive in the Bong Son plains of Binh Din Province. Their major targets would be U.S. and ARVN forces and the major district capitals.
On the 6th day of December a reconnaissance helicopter of the 1/9th , 1st Cavalry Division spotted a radio antenna sticking out of a hooch in the vicinity of the village of Dai Dong . Troop A 1/9th sent a platoon of the Blues (Infantry) to investigate. At 1630 Hours while approaching the area the platoon came under intense automatic and small arms fire and was pinned down. The Weapons Platoon of the 1/9 was sent in to help and they also were pinned down and unable to move. They had stumbled upon a large enemy force of the 22nd NVA Regiment. This was the beginning of the Battle of Tam Quan.
The two platoons were in great danger of being overrun and destroyed. It was late in the afternoon and soon it would be night time. At 1725 the 1st Bde assumed control of the action from the 2nd Bde and directed B Co. 1/8 Cav to the contact area and joined up with a platoon of the A Co. 1/50(Mech) Infantry which had been dispatched from LZ English a few miles away. The combined troops encountered stiff resistance from a well-entrenched enemy. With the firepower of the platoon of APCs they were finally able to extract the two platoons of 1/9th by 2100 Hrs. There is no doubt that had it not been for the firepower of the APCs of A Co. 1/50 (Mech) Infantry, the mission would have been more perilous and at a greater cost of American lives. A 1/50 and B 1/8th Cav established their night perimeter and called in artillery and illumination for the night. They had no further contact that night.
The flamethrower tracks (Zippo) of the 1/50 Mech were especially useful in neutralizing the bunkers and trenches since the 1st Cav Div. had no tanks attached to them at the time. Two D-7 bulldozers from the 19th Engineers were brought in to destroy the bunkers and to clear a pathway for 1/50 APCs. The Engineers had several KIAs from their unit and were credited with killing 10 NVA soldiers. Delta Company 1/50 (Mech) was released from the 2nd Bde and became OPCON to 1/8 Cav, First Bde at 1230 Hrs on 7 December. At 1406 hrs, A,& B 1/8 Cav and Delta Co. 1/50 Mech with flame thrower APCs successfully penetrated the initial bunker and trench network. Delta Company formed all of its APCs in a line facing east with troops of the 1/8 Cav in between the tracks. With all of the company’s 50 Cal. and M60s , M79s and personal weapons going on at the same time, it was beautiful sights and sounds. One of the 1/8 Cav troopers later mentioned that they had never heard so much racket in their life. The enemy probably thought the same thing.
Delta Co. 1/50 Mech and 1/8th Cav had succeeded in penetrating the initial bunker and trench network on the first day U.S. troops counter-attacked. Soon we started seeing some of the enemy coming out of the bunkers some with arms missing, not a sign of pain on their faces. They must have been doped up and some of them still continued firing. Every evening when we pulled to a defensive position for the night we would get replenished with ammunition, food, and hopefully some letters from home.
Although we seemed to have the upper hand in this battle, none of us knew if we were going to make it.
Two companies of the 2/8 Cav were sent northeast to the beach area to serve as a blocking force. They had only sporadic fire during the day. Their CP was momentarily pinned down as they tried to cross a rice paddy. The CP was finally extracted at 1900 Hrs. An ARVN (Army of the Republic of Vietnam) unit conducting screening operations to the north of the contact area was engaged in heavy contact throughout the day with enemy forces trying to escape to the north. The ARVN force conducting screening operation to the south had no contact.
On the morning of December 7, the commander of the 1st Bde, Col. Rattan committed Delta Company, the newest company in the battalion to the battle. Delta Company had just been formed upon arrival of the 1/50(M) Inf. Bn to Vietnam September 22, 1967. It was formed from personnel from HQ Co, Supply, other companies, and new replacements. The battalion had just started operations on October 7, 1967, and within a month it was already in the thick of its first major battle. When the order came we had been operating out of LZ Pony, a Green Beret post in the middle of 506 Valley. For the past month of November, Delta 1/50 2nd platoon had been going out on patrols on foot in the high mountains of the 506 Valley and then we pulled night security for the Special Forces camp at night. Delta Company 1/50 was spread out in the AO. Some of the troops were at Uplift, some troops were with the CO, Cpt Bruce Braun at Uplift and LZ English, 2nd Platoon + was at LZ Pony.
When Lt Welch, second Platoon leader yelled, ” OK everybody, let’s mount up”. I didn’t know what he was talking about because we had been on foot or combat assaults since I got to Vietnam and I didn’t know we had M113 APCs or ACAVS. We all climbed gladly into the APCs but were held up for a while because we were missing two troopers. Eventually, we found them playing cards at the little club the Green Berets had there. Finally, we took off and by 1145 Hrs we were on Hwy One close to the contact area waiting for further orders.
Tank on perimeter at LZ Uplift
Delta mortar platoon had been called to LZ Uplift (Our Bn basecamp) to replenish their mortar loads and joined the rest of the company at the contact site. The 1/8 Cav had air assaulted the rest of their companies and had started their attack in the initial contact area by 0915 Hrs, but were pulled back because they encountered stiff enemy resistance. A barrage of fire from well-prepared enemy positions, and well-camouflaged bunkers and trenches halted their advance. As they pulled back the area was prepped with artillery, CS, ARA, and air strikes which were called in to hit the area.
On December 8, after an early morning artillery TOT hit the enemy positions around the original area of contact. It was followed by an air strike and CS (Tear Gas) to drive the enemy out of the bunkers. The wind shifted and the CS cloud hit us as we were poised to attack. The problem was that there were not enough gas masks to go around. Some of the troops were choking and coughing. Even with the gas mask on, the CS was so concentrated that all our body was stinging with the gas. Most of the ARVNs didn’t have gas masks and were seen running toward a ravine for protection.
At 0845 hrs on Dec. 8, D 1-50 Mech began a reconnaissance in force to the east edge of the village (Dai Dong 2) and we encountered light resistance. We pushed east and north and then we returned to the starting point. C 1-8 Cav had replaced B 1-8 which had been in the initial assault on the 6th Dec. Delta 1-50 Mech. kept on working with A and C 1-8 Cav as we conducted a coordinated attack east and north finding many destroyed bunkers and enemy killed. We swept back through the same area policing the battlefield. Some of the guys in the mortar platoon loaded dead NVA on their APCs trimbane and took them to a designated area. Delta Co. mortars, for the most part, were in an infantry role since a lot of the Red Leg fire missions were being coordinated by Brigade Hqs.
We returned to a night perimeter at 1530. On this day HQ Co. and B 1-50 Mech. became OPCON to the 1st Bde and were sent to LZ English north, a secure area, to prepare for employment. At 1245 hrs the two platoons of Alpha 1-50 Mech were sent to LZ Lowboy and LZ English for rest and to assume their defensive postures. The 1-8 Cav units operating in the beach area to the northeast had only light contact from snipers. The ARVN screening force to the north of the contact area had no contact with the enemy. The southern screening force engaged the 8th Bn, 22nd NVA Regiment, this engagement ended at 1500 Hrs.
LZ English
On 9 December, D 1-50 Mech along with A and C 1-8 Cav began the final sweep through Dai Dong at 0845 Hrs after artillery and CS strikes. There was little enemy resistance during the sweep and the southern edge of the village was reached by 1530 Hrs. The force returned to the northwestern edge of the village and established that location at 1630 hrs and returned to LZ English for some much-needed rest and security of the LZ. Delta 1-50 Mech had been in combat for three days.
Also on the 9th Dec., at 0700 Hrs. Bravo company 1-50 Mech moved out of LZ English North under the control of Task Force Dolphin (1-50 Mech (-) and headed toward the beach area where it linked up with B 1-8 Cav. C and D 1-12 Cav set up blocking positions in the beach area. The southern screening force, ARVN 40th Rgmt. came under attack by elements of the 8th Bn. 22nd NVA Regiment. At 0520 Hours, the attack was repulsed but they had sporadic to heavy contact continued during the day five clicks north of MY AN (1) village.
On 10 DECEMBER at approximately 0900 hours, the commanding officer of the 40th ARVN Regiment reported that civilians were seen running from the village of Troung Lam. Task Force 1-12 relieved TF DOLPHIN and sent B 1-12 to join up with D 1-12 and B 1-50 Mech. At 0925 Hrs. B 1-50 was directed to turn south and search Troung Lam (1) At 1055 hours while approaching Troung Lam (1) B 1-50 Mech came under intense small arms and automatic weapons fire. This was the first time B 1-50 Mech. had engaged the enemy in the Battle of Tam Quan. B 1-12 maneuvered to the right flank and C 1-12 air assaulted to the left flank at 1220 Hrs. Apparently, B 1-50 Mech company had been split up by a big ditch and part of the company came under intense enemy fire. The other part of the company could not cross the ditch to come to the aid of the beleaguered troops. The company lost 10 soldiers in that encounter. Three coordinated attacks by the three companies were made on the enemy positions during the afternoon. At the time B 1-50 Mech was in contact, Delta Co. 1-50 was still at LZ English having spent the night there. We spent the morning getting ammo, and getting our weapons cleaned. D 1-50 Mech’s rest was cut short as again they were called to the southern screening force area where the 40th ARVN was in heavy contact and were caught in a crossfire from elements of the 8th Bn 22nd NVA Regiment at BS911048. Each time the ARVNS wanted to attack they came under a crossfire. Delta 1-50 Mech. came to the rescue and hooked up with the ARVNS at 1545 hrs on the 10th of December. At 1600Hrs they made a combined attack close to the village of My An(2) The UPI Reports for that day read like this:
SAIGON-(UPI) U.S. ARMOR SPURTING FLAME AND MACHINEGUN FIRE BROKE THROUGH A NORTH VIETNAMESE TRAP AND RESCUED SOUTH VIETNAMESE TROOPS IN THE SIX DAY BATTLE OF BONG SON PLAIN. COMMUNIST LOSSES IN THE CAMPAIGN 300 MILES NORTH OF SAIGON ROSE TO AT LEAST 305 SUNDAY AFTER THE HELL-FOR-LEATHER TYPE DASH BY ARMORED PERSONNEL CARRIERS (APCs) OF THE 1ST. AIR CAVALRY DIVISION SUNDAY IN THE SIX DAY BATTLE OF BONG SON PLAIN.
UPI BONG SON– ON THE COASTAL BONG SON PLAIN, ABOUT 1,000 SURVIVORS OF THE NORTH VIETNAM’S 22ND REGIMENT WERE FRANTICALLY UNLEASHING ALL THEIR FIREPOWER FROM BUNKERS DUG UNDER HUTS OF A RICE PADDY VILLAGE. THE IST CAV SENT A COMPANY OF APC’S TO THE RESCUE SUNDAY WHEN SOUTH VIETNAMESE TROOPS WERE CAUGHT IN A CROSS FIRE.
During that firefight on the 10th of Dec, Lt. Sodowsky (D 1-50) was killed and we had others wounded including some straight legs who were working beside us. It is a possibility that some of the wounded were by friendly fire. Our two medics in Delta Company, Pete Tovar, and Ron Provencher worked frantically tending the wounded right away. In that engagement, Pete Tovar distinguished himself when he went to the aid of the wounded soldiers under a hail of automatic and small arms fire. His heroic actions earned him a Bronze Star with a V device.
While this action was taking place, Bravo 1-50 Mech was about 15 Kilometers away. Each line company had two medics which most of the time had their hands full with their own company during a firefight.
Delta 1-50 remained OPCON to Task Force Dolphin. The commanders of the 40th ARVN and TF Dolphin were in a Command and Control helicopter above the battlefield controlled the combined attack. They kept in constant contact with Delta commander through his RTOs Louis Friesby and Fred Bantle.
15 DECEMBER- One of the last major encounters of the battle was initiated by C 1-12 in an area around My An close to Troung La by the end of the day seven U.S. Companies and 2 ARVN battalions were thrown into the firefight. A request for a Mech unit was granted and A(-) 1/50 was sent in the afternoon. A soldier from the 1st Cav Div was awarded the Medal of Honor in this encounter.
19 DECEMBER- Again an aerial recon by A Troop 1/9 Cav found an antenna wire leading to a large bunker complex. At 1408 D 2-8 Cav air assaulted into the area and was engaged by an unknown size enemy force. A total of six air strikes were called in and by 1700 Hrs bunker complex was completely destroyed.
DECEMBER 20- Four air strikes and intensive artillery were used to neutralize the contact area before a coordinated attack with D 2-8 C and C 1-50 Mech were to move on line and cross the Bong Son river. Swift tidal currents and steep muddy banks on the Bong Son river prevented C 1-50 Mech from crossing to join the attack. D 2-8 Cav completed the attack with no contact. The Battle of Tam Quan ended at 2400Hrs on the 20th of December 1967. The 2-8 Cav remained in the area digging through the demolished bunkers and fortified positions recovering enemy bodies and weapons.
THE FIRST BATTALION (M) 50TH INFANTRY HAD MET ITS FIRST COMBAT TEST IN A MAJOR BATTLE AND HAD COME OUT SUCCESSFUL AND VICTORIOUS. THE BATTLE OF TAM QUAN TURNED OUT TO BE THE 1/50(M) INFANTRY’S BIGGEST ENGAGEMENT DURING ITS STAY IN VIETNAM.
The purpose here is to deprive the Viet Cong of this area for good
Members of Co B, 2nd Bn, 503rd Abn Inf, 173rd Abn Bge move through Thanh Dien Forest on patrol in the southern section of the “Iron Triangle” during Operation “Cedar Falls.”
At dusk on October 8, 1965, barely 90 days after the U.S. Army’s 1st Infantry Division began arriving in Vietnam, three of its infantry companies trudged out of a heavily forested area. The soldiers mounted trucks to return to their base, eagerly anticipating showers, hot food, and rest after three weeks of chasing the elusive Viet Cong. However, in the gathering darkness, shots suddenly rang out and a desperate and chaotic firefight erupted as the startled Americans poured fire at muzzle blasts coming from the dense foliage. Then, as the Viet Cong (VC) shooting gradually diminished, their mortar rounds began falling among the trucks. When it was all over, six men of the 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry lay dead and 40 more were wounded. At dawn the next day, no VC bodies were found, but there was evidence some had been carried away.
The vicious fight was just 30 miles north of Saigon in an 115-square-mile patch of jungle ominously known as the Iron Triangle.
The Iron Triangle was so heavily defended, forested and fortified that it would be another 15 months before there were enough U.S. troops in-country to field a force adequate to successfully assault this VC bastion. Operation Cedar Falls, the largest U.S. operation in the war to date, would have a number of significant results. It would validate the effectiveness of a new intelligence methodology; ignite disputes among U.S. military leaders; expose serious weaknesses in South Vietnam’s ability to care for refugees and the need for a better organization for U.S. pacification assistance agencies; and produce fodder for the nascent antiwar movement at home. Most critically, Cedar Falls would demonstrate that General William Westmoreland was not wholly devoted to the “big unit” war, as his detractors claimed. Also—and often overlooked—Cedar Falls directly contributed to the tepid South Vietnamese response to North Vietnam’s call for a “General Uprising” during the Tet Offensive.
At the same time, American military leaders grappled with how to deal with the Iron Triangle, a serious argument over North Vietnamese strategy roiled Hanoi. General Vo Nguyen Giap, commander of the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN), had been convinced in late 1965 that his troops could not sustain the large losses they were suffering in the South against superior U.S. firepower and mobility. Through 1966, Giap pressed for a reversion to guerrilla warfare methods instead of continuing the main force struggle between his regulars and allied forces. Giap lost the argument to Hanoi’s commander in the South, General Nguyen Chi Than, who not only favored the big-unit war but also believed Southerners would join in a revolt against the Americans and their puppets in Saigon. In April 1967, Hanoi secretly directed preparations for an all-out offensive and general uprising in the South.
A member of “A” Co., 1/26th, 1st Bde, 1st Inf Div crouches near a tree while waiting for the area ahead to be cleared of mines, during Operation Cedar Falls in the Iron Triangle. (National Archives)
Operation Cedar Falls, named for the hometown of 1st Division Medal of Honor recipient Robert John Hibbs, who had been killed in March 1966, would involve a massive sweep of the Triangle by two brigades of DePuy’s division, plus an airborne brigade, elements of a cavalry regiment and an Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) Ranger battalion.
Meanwhile, Weyand, employing two brigades, would sweep through wooded areas west of the Saigon River and block any enemy escape attempt to avoid DePuy’s assault. Units on the sweeps were given a “VC Installations List” detailing the location, unit or office designations of all facilities, depots, communications centers and expected positions of three local force VC battalions and two separate companies. No enemy main force units were expected to be in the Iron Triangle. All of the estimated 6,000 inhabitants of the Triangle’s one village and several outlying hamlets would be assembled, screened and relocated. The plan called for the destruction of all enemy installations within a two-week period, after which the Triangle would be publicly designated a free-fire zone—where any inhabitant would be considered hostile.
Ben Suc, the Triangle’s main village of about 3,500 people, already had a martial history and unfortunate experience with political coercion. A sprawling collection of houses, rice paddies, orchards and shops, Ben Suc had been fortified as far back as the late 18th century when it was the base for operations against rebellious northern tribes. The village had been the site of an ARVN outpost until the Viet Cong overran it in 1964, executed the village chief, blocked the roads and organized the population into youth, women and farmers associations and indoctrinated them on National Liberation Front (NLF) goals and laws.
The villagers were told the Americans were evil, that they killed pregnant women and ate their victims. They were required to pay taxes in rice and other foodstuffs or money, supply recruits for VC units, transport supplies and clear battlefields of the dead. The civilians also supplied the labor to dig fighting trenches and bunkers for combat units and tunnels to shelter political, medical, communication and other such stationary facilities. The ARVN had attempted to recover Ben Suc before, but it and the Iron Triangle had been in VC hands for about two years.
At the direction of General Seaman, who believed VC agents had penetrated several ARVN headquarters, Cedar Falls was held in strict secrecy—even from some of the participating ARVN allies—until the day before its January 8 launch. On January 7, six newsmen were given a briefing on Cedar Falls, including 24-year-old Jonathan Schell of the New Yorker, who recorded the briefing by Major Allen C. Dixon. Pointing to a map, the major began: “We have two targets, actually. There’s the Iron Triangle, and then there’s the village of Ben Suc.” Dixon called the village a “solid VC” political center. “We know there’s important VC infrastructure there,” he said. “What we’re really after is the infrastructure. We’ve run several operations in this area before with ARVN but it’s always been hit and run. You go in there, leave the same day and the VC are back that night. This time we’re really going to do a thorough job of it; we’re going to clean out the place completely. The people are all going to be resettled in a temporary camp near Phu Cuong, the provincial capital down the river, and then we’re going to move everything out—livestock, furniture and all of their possessions. The purpose here is to deprive the VC of this area for good.”
Dixon told the reporters that 500 1st Division troops would land in 60 helicopters around Ben Suc at 0800, to avoid mines and booby traps that were on the village’s approaches. A helicopter with loudspeakers would instruct villagers to assemble at the village center and inform them that anyone attempting escape would be considered Viet Cong. Safe conduct pass leaflets would be dropped for any VC desiring to defect. Dixon said the villagers would be evacuated and cared for by incoming ARVN units—which would be briefed on their role shortly before they were brought to the Triangle.
The next morning, January 8, reporter Schell joined troops of the 1st Division’s 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment, under the command of Lt. Col. Alexander Haig at Dau Tieng, 11 miles north of Ben Suc. They flew due south at 2,500 feet, within sight of the village but on a path that appeared well to the west of Ben Suc. Gradually losing altitude, the 60 helicopters disappeared from the village’s view, and then turned toward it at treetop level, roaring forward at 100 mph. Flaring out at precisely 0800, the helicopters drifted down on three landing zones around Ben Suc. Their surprise was complete and the village was quickly surrounded. Sporadic firing faded away.
After the helicopters left to pick up more troops, a single Huey circled above, giving instructions to the inhabitants through a loudspeaker. Well to the north, U.S. artillery fire began hitting designated landing zones in preparation for helicopter-borne assaults into the nearby wood. Within an hour, as they had been ordered to do, about 1,000 villagers had gathered at Ben Suc’s school. South Vietnamese police and ARVN troops then arrived to screen the villagers and cull males between 15 and 45. A 1st Division field kitchen was set up and a medical tent was erected so U.S. medics could offer treatment to the waiting inhabitants. A detailed search of the villagers’ homes by ARVN soldiers began. By midafternoon, some 3,500 dejected and unfriendly villagers had been assembled. It was looking like Cedar Falls might be a textbook piece of allied military precision.
“Tunnel Rat” preparing to enter a tunnel complex
That’s when things soured. While New Yorker reporter Schell was observing the operation around Ben Suc, he came on an ugly scene of ARVN officers interrogating some young males. The suspects, who failed to answer questions to the officers’ satisfaction, were repeatedly beaten—all this, Schell wrote, under the eyes of “a very fat American with a red face and an expression of perfect boredom.” When a U.S. Army captain arrived on the scene, he took Schell aside and said, “You see, they do have some, well, methods and practices that we are not accustomed to, that we wouldn’t use…but the thing you’ve got to understand is that this is an Asian country, and their first impulse is force.”
Soon, the evacuation plan for the families quickly unraveled. While Seaman’s secretive planning yielded a thoroughly surprised enemy, it also produced distrust between the allies, an agonizing delay in the operation, and perhaps worse. All of the military-age males were flown to Phu Cuong for interrogation in the afternoon, but the unexpected and hasty effort to round up enough ARVN landing craft to transport the families, their animals and possessions on the Saigon River from Ben Suc to Phu Cuong broke down. South Vietnamese authorities, angry with their pushy, inconsiderate American allies, simply had not had the time to identify, plan, assemble and supervise a flotilla, resulting in a two-day delay. On January 10, General DePuy, disgusted and impatient with the handling of the refugees, took charge. He organized truck convoys to transport some families to the provincial capital and ordered the landing craft be used to bring the rest of the villagers and the farmers’ water buffalos.
Meanwhile, searching and fighting was progressing in the woods surrounding Ben Suc. Since landing, 1st Division troops had discovered several tunnel complexes and stores of foodstuffs, ammunition and other supplies. Some of the surprised Viet Cong fought back, and early fighting left 40 dead, while the Americans were initially free of battle deaths. The biggest fight of the entire operation took place across the river in the 25th Division area when a 2nd Brigade unit made an unexpected, sharp contact with a battalion-size enemy force during an air assault. This bloody action continued for most of the day with men of the 1st Battalion, 27th Infantry breaking up the enemy battalion and chasing down groups of its survivors. In this hot, deadly fight, six Americans died, while the VC left 100 bodies of their outgunned battalion on the field.
As the sweep of the Triangle continued for two weeks, many smaller actions took place, but the main role of U.S. forces became locating, searching and destroying hundreds of tunnels. The GIs soon learned how to spot a tunnel entrance, entice any enemy out of it, and then send a pistol-armed volunteer, or “tunnel rat,” inside with flashlight, compass and field phone, to explore and retrieve documents, weapons, and ammunition. The tunnel would then be destroyed by explosives or by pumping acetylene gas into the passageways and igniting it.
A notable exception to the largely passive response to the U.S. sweep of the Triangle came when the 1st Battalion, 28th Infantry, entered the woods just northeast of Ben Suc, looking for a previously identified VC installation. The facility was a camouflaged medical supply depot with a tunnel being used as a hospital, where Dr. Vo Hoang Le, his wife and several assistants were tending to 60 patients. Alerted by the Ben Suc attack, Dr. Le decided to ignore instructions to flee or hide from the Americans and opted to arm his staff, prepare concealed firing positions and defend his hospital with four rifles, a Thompson submachine gun and his own .45-cal. revolver.
The next day, at 1230, Dr. Le saw three American soldiers approaching. When they were within 20 feet, he began firing, killing all three. Le’s wife scurried through a blizzard of American bullets to the American bodies and returned with their M-16s and some ammunition. Spotting a GI crawling forward to retrieve one of the bodies, Le killed him. The Americans called in artillery and an airstrike with napalm. In the afternoon, the Americans launched three attacks, each pushed back by Le and the defenders. The doctor later recalled: “That night, I raised the question of withdrawing. Some of my comrades were against the idea….I told them if we stayed, we would not be able to withstand the next day’s assault….We left six of the wounded behind in secret tunnels; they had lost legs or had head wounds and could not walk. Two nurses stayed to look after them….We went through the shell fire….Two men were wounded during the journey, but none were killed.”
On January 11, an argument about the treatment of the refugees arose among U.S. and South Vietnamese leaders. It involved General DePuy and the head of the regional U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) office, John Paul Vann. An ex-U.S. Army lieutenant colonel, Vann was a courageous, intelligent 43-year-old former Ranger who had been an adviser in Vietnam in 1962-63, and had keen insights into Vietnamese culture. The dispute began with DePuy’s quick inspection of the Phu Cuong reception camp and his outrage at the lack of adequate organization, sanitation, shelter, food and medical services for the refugees. DePuy complained about the abysmal conditions to General Seaman and suggested that he take charge of the camp, as he’d taken charge of the evacuation. Seaman reaffirmed his desire to have the Vietnamese take care of their own people with Vann’s assistance in supplying resources. Vann phoned DePuy to see if he could relieve the general’s concerns and got an angry response: “Vann, your lousy organization has fallen flat on its face and I am going to move in and do the job—as usual!” Vann countered that the Vietnamese authorities were responsible for the camp’s shortcomings and the reason behind that stemmed from their belief that the refugees had no loyalty to the Saigon government.
Within a few days, the refugees’ plight was somewhat eased with the arrival of tents, clothing, food and water and sanitary facilities—much of it coming from the 1st Division. Five months later, under Vann’s hand, the refugees were living in concrete block buildings with metal roofs, fairly well supplied and maintaining the same standard of living as the dependents of ARVN soldiers. However, no one involved in the evacuation dispute was truly satisfied—least of all, the refugees themselves.
Up in the Triangle and the 25th Division’s search area, the destruction of Military Region IV facilities continued until January 26, when Operation Cedar Falls ended. Vietnamese paratroopers assumed the search of Ben Suc and made the most stunning find yet. The VC had taken advantage of the allied proclivity to avoid hitting villages with artillery and airstrikes, and had dug a vast, three-story-deep complex of tunnels and chambers covering several acres underneath the village. There were offices, medical facilities, storage bins and spaces for the manufacture of clothing, munitions and footwear, even special defense capabilities—tunnels leading to surface observation and firing positions.
Elsewhere, other facilities were found, including several underground VC provincial and district government headquarters. MR4’s signal and cryptographic center was located, along with files and codebooks. Its intelligence section contained a trove of documents, including more than 200 personal history sheets on cadre and a notebook of names of ARVN officers who were supplying the VC with information and U.S. ammunition. The postal, communications and transportation section was found with extensive records, and an operations office was also identified, yielding campaign plans and maps. A number of camouflaged, aboveground rice storage facilities were also found, shielding hundreds of tons of bagged rice.
The results of Operation Cedar Falls were impressive, as more than four square miles of jungle had been cleared. The allies had captured 578 weapons and 3,700 tons of rice—enough to feed five regiments for a year. Eleven hundred bunkers, 424 tunnels, and 509 structures were destroyed. The effectiveness of pattern activity analysis had been confirmed. Viet Cong losses included 723 killed and 213 taken prisoner, among them 12 high-ranking officials and MR4’s talkative operations officer, who was caught trying to spirit away two pounds of documents and maps. More than 500 enemy personnel defected and some 500,000 pages of documents were seized. Within a few days, police and ARVN counterintelligence authorities began picking up enemy agents and traitors and breaking up underground networks throughout the region and in Saigon. Almost immediately, incidences of assassination, sabotage and guerrilla actions in the region dramatically dropped. The cost included 72 American and ARVN battle deaths.
Some Viet Cong did return to the Iron Triangle after the operation, but keeping them out would have required a defending force of considerable size, which the allies believed to be an unwise use of scarce soldiers. The Viet Cong who did return found life in a free-fire zone perilous and challenging without villagers to supply labor, recruits, and food.
Cedar Falls yielded two positive results that leaders could not have envisioned when they planned the operation. The evacuation and settlement of the Triangle’s refugees were so flawed that the Civilian Operations and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS) organization was created three months later. An ambassadorial-level civilian, reporting to the commander of the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, led the organization. This integrated military-civilian structure proved superior and gave Westmoreland the authority to direct U.S. pacification support along with military advisory and combat operations.
The other unanticipated achievement was the massive collection of documents that led to the arrests of key Viet Cong agents and officials in Saigon and its environs. Although unknown to the American planners of Cedar Falls, the subsequent weakening of the National Liberation Front infrastructure in the Saigon region would diminish the chances for success of the General Uprising then being secretly planned by COSVN.
Later, in confidential documents that circulated among Communist leaders, the Viet Cong admitted that Operation Cedar Falls had, for them, been a great disaster.
Rod Paschall, editor-at-large for MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History, was a Special Forces detachment commander in Vietnam in 1962-63, served in Laos in 1964 and returned to Vietnam in 1966 as a company commander and staff officer until 1968. He finished his Southeast Asian service in Cambodia in 1974-75.
Operation Dewey Canyon
Operation Dewey Canyon was the last major offensive by the United States Marine Corps during the Vietnam War. It took place from January 22 through March 18, 1969 and involved a sweep of the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN)-dominated A Shau and Song Đa Krông Valleys by the 9th Marine Regiment. Based on intelligence and captured documents, the NVA unit in contact was believed to be the 9th NVA Regiment. The 56 days of combat were a tactical success but did not stop the overall flow of North Vietnamese men and matériel into South Vietnam. The 9th Marine Regiment and attached units were awarded the Army Presidential Unit Citation for their actions in Operation Dewey Canyon.
Throughout 1967 and into 1968, the United States Marine Corps units in the northern I Corps region had been tied to their combat bases along the South Vietnam border as part of the McNamara Line. This “line” was a combination of infantry units and ground sensors devised to stop North Vietnamese infiltration into South Vietnam along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. When Lt. Gen. Raymond G. Davis took command of the 3rd Marine Division, he ordered Marine units to move out of their combat bases and engage the enemy. He had noted that the manning of the bases and the defensive posture they developed was contrary to the aggressive style of fighting that Marines favor.
In early 1969, intelligence reports indicated there had been a large PAVN build-up in the A Shau and Đa Krông Valleys. The A Shau was just 10 km east of the Laotian border and some 34 km long, while the Đa Krông was several kilometers further east and separated by two mountain ranges.
The operation, named Operation Dawson River South was to comprise 3 distinct phases: first was the southern movement of the 9th Marines and supporting units into mutually supporting firebases near the objective area, second was a period of intensive patrolling around the firebases and then finally the Regiment would attack into the PAVN base areas. The Marine operation would be coordinated with supporting actions by the 101st Airborne Division and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) 2nd Regiment east of the operations area.
Phase 1
On 18 January the 3rd Battalion 9th Marines was lifted from Vandegrift Combat Base to reoccupy Firebase Henderson. On 20 January Company L, 3/9 Marines reoccupied Firebase Tun Tavern and on the 21st Company A, 1st Battalion 9th Marines reoccupied Firebase Shiloh.
On 22 January the 2nd Battalion 9th Marines was lifted from Vandegrift to establish two new firebases further south: Dallas and Razor. On 24 January the 9th Marines command post was moved from Vandegrift to Razor.
On 25 January 3/9 Marines established Firebase Cunningham 6 km southeast of Razor and over the following four days the 9th Marines command post and five artillery batteries from 2nd Battalion, 12th Marines moved to Cunningham.
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UH-1Es at Fire Base Cunningham during Operation Dewey Canyon
Phase 2
The Operation was renamed Operation Dewey Canyon and on 24/5 January Companies from 2/9 and 3/9 Marines began patrolling south from Razor and Cunningham discovering the PAVN 88th Field Hospital which had been abandoned the previous day.
DEFENSE DEPT PHOTO (MARINE CORPS) A192682
On 31 January after a brief firefight with PAVN forces Company G secured Hill 1175, while Company F established Firebase Erskine. On 1 February Company K established Firebase Lightning which was occupied by the ARVN 1st and 2nd Battalions, 2nd Regiment.
On 2 February Firebase Cunningham was hit by 30-40 rounds of PAVN 122mm artillery fire from Laos resulting in 5 Marines killed.
With bad weather limiting patrolling and resupply, the Marine infantry was withdrawn to their bases. On 5 February as Company G withdrew from Hill 1175 they were ambushed resulting in 5 Marines killed and 18 wounded, while only 2 PAVN bodies were found. LCpl. Thomas Noonan, Jr. would be posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during the engagement.
On 10 February, Company H, 2/9 Marines captured a large cache of ammunition, weapons, and equipment while on patrol five kilometers northwest of FSB Cunningham.The haul of ammunition included 363 RPG rounds and 120 rounds of 60mm mortar ammunition.
Phase 3 and the raid into Laos
The third phase commenced on 11 February 1969. 1/9 Marines engaged a PAVN force preparing to attack Firebase Erskine and killed 25 PAVN. Company M repulsed a PAVN platoon killing 18 for the loss of 2 Marines, while Company C killed 24 PAVN for the loss of 2 Marines. On 16 February Company K, 3/9 Marines killed 17 PAVN. On the 17th Company Co. G 2/9 Marines killed 39 PAVN for the loss of 5 Marines.
On the early morning of 17 February, PAVN sappers attacked Firebase Cunningham resulting in 4 Marines and 37 PAVN killed.
On 18 February Company A, 1/9 Marines encountered a PAVN bunker system which they overran killing 30 PAVN. The following morning Company C continued the attack against nearby PAVN positions killing a further 30 PAVN with total Marine losses of 1 killed. On the afternoon of the 20th Company C encountered another PAVN bunker system killing 71 PAVN and capturing 2 122mm field guns. Company A continued the attack killing a further 17 PAVN, total Marine losses were 6 dead.
Also on 18 February, Company L 3/9 Marines discovered a PAVN cemetery containing 185 bodies buried in June 1968.
As the Marines approached the Laotian border and in response to the artillery attack on Cunningham, Major General Davis had sent requests up the chain of command to get permission to enter Laos. This led to a redirection of MACV-SOG’s Operation Prairie Fire to conduct reconnaissance near Base Area 611 in Laos. On February 20, Lieutenant General Richard G. Stilwell forwarded Davis’ request to have a limited raid into Base Area 611 up to COMUSMACV General Abrams for his approval.
By 20 February, 2/9 Marines had both Companies E and H on the Laotian border. From their position, Company H could see enemy convoys traveling along Route 922. Company H Commanding Officer David F. Winecoff later reported:
“The company, of course, was talking about let’s get down on the road and do some ambushing. I don’t think they really thought that they were going to let us go over into Laos … I knew if the military had their way we’d be over there in Laos and the company was all up for it…. With the Paris Peace Talks going on, I wasn’t sure what route was going to be taken.”
On 21 February, Captain Winecoff received a message from Colonel Barrow, 9th Marines Commanding Officer, to set up an ambush along Route 922. The Captain’s men needed rest, and he requested a postponement but was denied by Colonel Barrow. The Captain utilized his 1st and 2nd Platoons, and at 16:10, 1st Platoon moved out and made its way to 2nd Platoon’s position. At 18:30, Winecoff briefed his men on the ambush. After dark, they moved out towards route 922, about 900 meters away. By 01:00, Captain Winecoff and Hotel Company were in place and setting up the ambush. Within minutes of getting into position they started hearing trucks coming down the road and continued to observe as 40 minutes later, a lone truck and one PAVN soldier also walked through the kill zone. Winecoff had not wanted the ambush sprung on one truck or soldier, realizing that eventually, a bigger target would come down the road. At 02:30, the lights of eight trucks appeared, and as three trucks came into the kill zone the column of vehicles stopped. Not wanting to give away the ambush or their position Winecoff, set off the claymores and the ambush. The Marines poured small arms and automatic weapons fire on the three vehicles, the forward observer alerted the artillery, and rounds bracketed the company position.
After minutes of fire, Captain Winecoff had his men moved forward, ensuring that everything was destroyed. The company proceeded to move out to the rally point 600 meters away and waited till daylight. Later, it rejoined with 3rd Platoon who had not been involved with the ambush because of the heavy patrols it had been involved with in the previous days. H Company was resupplied and the men rested. They had destroyed three trucks and killed eight PAVN soldiers. Hotel Company did not suffer any casualties.
A wounded Marine is helped to an evacuation point
After Action Reports of the patrol were met with positive reviews, General Abrams formally approved the operation. The success of the operation was more valuable than just the destruction of the enemy because it allowed Colonel Barrow to request that continued operations in Laos be approved. His reasoning for continued operations was the presence of the enemy in the area was a threat to his troops. Barrow noted, “I put a final comment on my message, which said, quote, “Put another way, my forces should not be here if ground interdiction of Route 922 not authorized.” The message finally reached General Abrams via General Stilwell, who had adopted the Colonel’s recommendation. General Abrams approved further action on February 24 but restricted discussions of the Laotian operation.
Also on 21 February, Company M 3/9 Marines discovered a PAVN maintenance facility including a bulldozer and on further searching around Hill 1228 discovered 2 122mm field guns and a large tunnel complex inside the mountain.
On 22 February, Company A 1/9 Marines overran a PAVN position eight kilometers southeast of FSB Erskine killing 7 PAVN for the loss of 1 Marine. As Company A continued patrolling they encountered and overran an entrenched PAVN Company killing 105 PAVN for the loss of 11 Marines. Captured documents indicated the unit in contact was the 3rd Battalion, 9th NVA Regiment (also known as the K.16 NVA Battalion). The Company A commander 1Lt Wesley L. Fox would be awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during the battle.
Company H was ordered to go down Route 922 on February 24. Morale was low because the Marines were tired after several days of patrolling. Additionally, they did not want to leave the resupplies that included 60 mm mortar ammunition and C-rations. Hotel Company was to move into Laos followed by Companies E and F and push eastward on the road, forcing the enemy into the hands of the 1st and 3d Battalions. After a six-hour night march, Hotel set up a hasty ambush; at 11:00 on 24 February, six PAVN soldiers walked into their kill zone, of which four were killed. On February 25, Hotel Company continued to move eastward again engaging NVA, resulting in the capture of one 122 mm field gun, two 40mm antiaircraft guns and the killing of eight PAVN soldiers. Company H suffered two dead and seven wounded. Later that day a company patrol was ambushed by an estimated 15 NVA troops who were dug in fortified bunkers and fighting holes. The patrol was reinforced and was able to fight its way through, capturing a second 122 mm gun and killing two. Casualties were mounting for Hotel Company: three killed and five wounded. Corporal William D. Morgan was one of the men killed in action when he made a daring dash and directed fire away from Private First Class Robinson Santiago and Private Robert Ballou. Robert Ballou was wounded multiple times that day and Robinson Santiago was killed-in-action. Corporal Morgan was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for this action.
Company H, flanked by Companies E and F, continued their drive east, which was rapid and did not allow for the Companies to conduct thorough searches. Advancing much slower would have garnered much more equipment. However, 2nd Battalion did capture 20 tons of foodstuffs and ammunition, while killing 48 PAVN soldiers. On 26 February, Company F, 2/9 Marines discovered a large cache nine kilometers south of FSB Erskine which included 198 rounds of 122mm artillery ammunition and 1,500 rounds of 12.7mm ammunition for anti-aircraft guns.
The three companies were within 1,000 meters of the South Vietnamese border by March 1 and were flown by helicopter to Vandegrift Combat Base on March 3, officially ending operations in Laos. 2nd Battalion sustained eight killed and 33 wounded during the operation. For the record, all of the dead were listed as being killed in Quảng Trị Province, South Vietnam and for political reasons, no reference was made about being in Laos.On 27 February Company D discovered a large PAVN weapons cache near Hill 1044 that included 629 rifles and over 100 crew-served weapons.
With the Marine objectives achieved by early March the operations plan called for the phased withdrawal of the Marines from the operational area, however, this was hampered by bad weather. As 3/9 Marines withdrew to Firebase Cunningham on 3 March they were ambushed by a PAVN force and PFC Alfred M. Wilson would be posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during the firefight. The operation concluded at 20:00 on 18 March as the last Marines arrived back at Vandegrift.
Marine losses were 130 killed in action and 932 wounded, in return, the Marines reported 1,617 PAVN killed, the discovery of 500 tons of arms and munitions, and denial of the valley as a PAVN staging area for the duration of the operation.
Notable decorations and awards during the operation were:
First Lt. Archie “Joe” Biggers, Platoon Leader 9th Regiment, U.S. Marine Corps, who led the platoon that captured the two 122 mm guns, was wounded in action during the operation and was awarded a Silver Star.
The 9th Marine Regiment and attached units were awarded the Army Presidential Unit Citation.
In 1971, the operation to clear Highway 9 from Đông Hà Combat Base to the Laotian border was named Operation Dewey Canyon II in an attempt to misdirect enemy attention towards the A Shau Valley instead of Tchepone, the actual objective of the combined campaign.
The Cambodian Campaign
The Cambodian Campaign (also known as the Cambodian Incursion and the Cambodian Invasion) was a series of military operations conducted in eastern Cambodia during 1970 by the United States and the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam)(NRA) during the Vietnam War. These invasions were a result of the policy of President Richard Nixon. A total of 13 major operations were conducted by the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) between 29 April and 22 July and by US forces between 1 May and 30 June.
The objective of the campaign was the defeat of the approximately 40,000 troops of the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF, also known as Viet Cong) who were ensconced in the eastern border regions of Cambodia. Cambodia’s official neutrality and military weakness made its territory effectively a safe zone where Vietnamese communist forces could establish bases for operations over the border. With the US shifting toward a policy of Vietnamization and withdrawal, the US sought to shore up the South Vietnamese government’s security by eliminating the cross-border threat.
The new commander of the US Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), General Creighton W. Abrams, recommended to President Richard M. Nixon shortly after his inauguration that the Cambodian Base Areas be attacked by aerial bombardment utilizing B-52 Stratofortress bombers.The president initially refused, but the breaking point came with the launching of PAVN’s “Mini-Tet” Offensive of 1969 within South Vietnam. Nixon, angered at what he perceived as a violation of the “agreement” with Hanoi after the cessation of the bombing of North Vietnam, authorized the covert air campaign. The first mission of Operation Menuwas dispatched on 18 March and by the time it was completed 14 months later more than 3,000 sorties had been flown and 108,000 tons of ordnance had been dropped on eastern Cambodia.
Map showing the headquarter complexes along the Vietnamese-Cambodian border
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During a televised address on 20 April, Nixon announced the withdrawal of 150,000 U.S. troops from South Vietnam during the year. This planned withdrawal implied restrictions on any offensive U.S. action in Cambodia. By the spring of 1970, MACV still maintained 330,648 U.S. Army and 55,039 Marine Corps troops in South Vietnam, most of whom were concentrated in 81 infantry and tank battalions.Many of them, however, were preparing to leave the country or expected to leave in the near future and would not be available for immediate combat operations.
South Vietnamese forces had been rehearsing for just such an operation since late March. On 27 April, an ARVN Ranger Battalion had advanced into Kandal Province to destroy a communist base. Four days later other South Vietnamese troops drove 16 kilometers into Cambodian territory. Lon Nol, who had initially attempted to follow a neutralist policy of his own, requested military aid and assistance from the U.S. government on 14 April. On that day, South Vietnamese forces then conducted the first of three brief cross-border operations under the aegis of Operation Toan Thang (Complete Victory) 41, sending armored cavalry units into regions of Cambodia’s Svay Rieng Province nicknamed, “the Angels Wing” and “the Crow’s Nest”. On 20 April, 2,000 South Vietnamese troops advanced into the Parrot’s Beak, killing 144 PAVN troops. On 22 April, Nixon authorized American air support for the South Vietnamese operations. All of these incursions into Cambodian territory were simply reconnaissance missions in preparation for a large-scale effort being planned by MACV and its ARVN counterparts, subject to authorization by Nixon.
Not all of the members of the administration agreed that an invasion of Cambodia was either militarily or politically expedient. Secretary of Defense Melvin R. Laird and Secretary Rogers were both opposed to any such operation due to their belief that it would engender intense domestic opposition in the U.S. and that it might possibly derail the ongoing peace negotiations in Paris (they had both opposed the Menu bombings for the same reasons). Both were castigated by Henry Kissinger for their “bureaucratic foot-dragging.” As a result, Laird was bypassed by the Joint Chiefs in advising the White House on planning and preparations for the Cambodian operation.
On 30 April 1970, President Nixon announced the attack into Cambodia. In a televised address to the nation, he justified it as a necessary response to North Vietnamese aggression
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On the evening of 25 April Nixon dined with his friend Bebe Rebozo and Kissinger. Afterward, they screened one of Nixon’s favorite movies, Patton, a biographical portrayal of controversial General George S. Patton, Jr., which he had seen five times previously. Kissinger later commented that “When he was pressed to the wall, his [Nixon’s] romantic streak surfaced and he would see himself as a beleaguered military commander in the tradition of Patton.”
The following evening, Nixon decided that “We would go for broke” and gave his authorization for the incursion. The joint U.S./ARVN campaign would begin on 1 May with the stated goals of reducing allied casualties in South Vietnam; assuring the continued withdrawal of U.S. forces; and enhancing the U.S./Saigon government position at the peace negotiations in Paris.
In order to keep the campaign as low-key as possible, General Abrams had suggested that the commencement of the incursion be routinely announced from Saigon. At 21:00 on 30 April, however, President Nixon appeared on all three U.S. television networks to announce that “It is not our power but our will and character that is being tested tonight” and that “the time has come for action.” He announced his decision to launch American forces into Cambodia with the special objective of capturing COSVN,”the headquarters of the entire communist military operation in South Vietnam.” COSVN as a single headquarters for control of PAVN operations in South Vietnam probably did not exist, or, at least, was never found.
Years later Trương would recall just how “close [South Vietnamese] were to annihilating or capturing the core of the Southern resistance – elite units of our frontline fighters along with the civilian and much of the military leadership”. After many days of hard marches, the PRG reached the northern bases, and relative safety, in the Kratie region. Casualties were light and the march even saw the birth of a baby to Dương Quỳnh Hoa, the deputy minister of health in the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG). The column needed many days to recover and Trương himself would require weeks to recover from the long march.
ARVN’s M113 APC on a road in Cambodia
11th ACR’s M551 Sheridan and mine-clearing team on a road in Cambodia
South Vietnamese forces had already crossed the border on 30 April, launching Operation Toan Thang 42. 12 ARVN battalions of approximately 8,700 troops (two armored cavalry squadrons from III Corps and two from the 25th Division and 5th Infantry Divisions, an infantry regiment from the 25th Infantry Division, and three Ranger battalions and an attached ARVN Armored Cavalry Regt from the 3rd Ranger Group) crossed into the Parrot’s Beak region of Svay Rieng Province. The offensive was under the command of Lieutenant General Đỗ Cao Trí, the commander of III Corps, who had a reputation as one of the most aggressive and competent ARVN generals. During their first two days in Cambodia, ARVN units had several sharp encounters with PAVN forces. The North Vietnamese, forewarned by previous ARVN incursions, however, conducted only delaying actions in order to allow the bulk of their forces to escape to the west.
The ARVN operation soon settled down to become a search and destroy mission, with South Vietnamese troops combing the countryside in small patrols looking for PAVN supply caches. Phase II of the operation began with the arrival of elements of the 9th Infantry Division. Four tank-infantry task forces attacked into the Parrot’s Beak from the south. After three days of operations, ARVN claimed 1,010 PAVN troops had been killed and 204 prisoners taken for the loss of 66 ARVN dead and 330 wounded.
On 1 May an even larger operation, known by the ARVN as Operation Toan Thang 43 and by MACV as Operation Rockcrusher, got underway as 36 B-52s dropped 774 tons of bombs along the southern edge of the Fishhook. This was followed by an hour of massed artillery fire and another hour of strikes by tactical fighter-bombers. At 10:00, the 1st Air Cav Division, the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment, the 1st ARVN Armored Cavalry Regiment, and the 3rd ARVN Airborne Brigade then entered Kampong Cham Province of Cambodia. Known as Task Force Shoemaker (after General Robert M. Shoemaker, the Assistant Division Commander of the 1st Cavalry Division), the force attacked the long-time communist stronghold with 10,000 U.S. and 5,000 South Vietnamese troops. The operation utilized mechanized infantry and armored units to drive deep into the province where they would then link up with ARVN airborne and U.S. airmobile units that had been lifted in by helicopter.
Opposition to the incursion was expected to be heavy, but PAVN/NLF forces had begun moving westward two days before the advance began. By 3 May, MACV reported only eight Americans killed and 32 wounded, low casualties for such a large operation. There was only scattered and sporadic contact with delaying forces such as that experienced by elements of the U.S. 11th Armored Cavalry three kilometers inside Cambodia. PAVN troops opened fire with small arms and rockets only to be blasted by tank fire and tactical airstrikes. When the smoke had cleared, 50 dead PAVN soldiers were counted on the battlefield while only two U.S. troops were killed during the action.
1st Battalion/7th Cavalry, 3rd Brigade 1st Cavalry Division was in the Fishhook very early May through 30 June when they crossed the river back into Vietnam. There was extremely heavy combat throughout the period. American losses were very heavy, with all units relying on a heavy inflow of replacements to try to maintain at least half strength in the field. In one company, of all the men who had entered Cambodia, only nine left on 30 June, the rest having been either killed or wounded and evacuated. The unit was awarded the Valorous Unit Award, equivalent to individual Silver Stars, for their combat performance in the Fishhook.
The North Vietnamese had ample notice of the impending attack. A 17 March directive from the headquarters of the B-3 Front, captured during the incursion, ordered PAVN/NLF forces to “break away and avoid shooting back…Our purpose is to conserve forces as much as we can”. The only party surprised amongst the participants in the incursion seemed to be Lon Nol, who had been informed by neither Washington nor Saigon concerning the impending invasion of his country. He only discovered the fact after a telephone conversation with the head of the U.S. mission, who had found out about it himself from a radio broadcast.
On the following day, elements of the U.S. 1st Air Cavalry division entered what came to be known as “The City”, southwest of Snoul. The two-square-mile PAVN complex contained over 400 thatched huts, storage sheds, and bunkers, each of which was packed with food, weapons, and ammunition. There were truck repair facilities, hospitals, a lumber yard, 18 mess halls, a pig farm, and even a swimming pool. Forty kilometers to the northeast, other 1st Cavalry Division elements discovered a larger base on 6 May. Nicknamed “Rock Island East” after the U.S. Army’s Rock Island Arsenal in Illinois, the area contained more than 6.5 million rounds of anti-aircraft ammunition, 500,000 rifle rounds, thousands of rockets, several General Motors trucks, and large quantities of communications equipment.
The 2d Squadron, 11th Armored Cavalry, enters Snoul, Cambodia on 4 May
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While on patrol 20 kilometers northeast of “Rock Island East” on 23 May, a point man nicknamed Shakey (Chris Keffalos) from the 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry, tripped over a metal plate buried just below the surface of the ground. The trooper was later killed by PAVN defenders, but the cache he had uncovered was the first of 59 buried storage bunkers at the site of what was thereafter known as “Shakey’s Hill”. The bunkers contained thousands of cases of weapons and ammunition, all of which were turned over to the Cambodian army. Much of the captured enemy material was turned over to the MACV Special Support Group for Cambodia where it was maintained and then issued to Lon Nol’s Forces. This group was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Will H. Horn.
After the first week of operations, additional battalion and brigade units were committed to the operation, so that between 6 and 24 May, a total of 90,000 Allied troops (including 33 U.S. maneuver battalions) were conducting operations inside Cambodia. Due to increasing political and domestic turbulence in the U.S., President Nixon issued a directive on 7 May limiting the distance and duration of U.S. operations to a depth of 30 kilometers (19 mi) and setting a deadline of 30 June for the withdrawal of all U.S. forces to South Vietnam.
In the II Corps area, Operation Binh Tay I (Operation Tame the West) was launched by the 1st and 2nd Brigades of the U.S. 4th Infantry Division and the 40th ARVN Infantry Regiment against Base Area 702 (the traditional headquarters of the communist B-2 Front) in northeastern Cambodia from 5–25 May. Following airstrikes, the initial American forces, assaulting via helicopter, were driven back by the intense anti-aircraft fire. On the following day, the 3rd Battalion, 506th Infantry (on loan from the U.S. 101st Airborne Division), landed without opposition. Its sister unit, the 1st Battalion, 14th Infantry was also unopposed. The 3rd Battalion of the 8th Infantry, however, inserted only 60 men before the intense PAVN fire (which shot down one helicopter and damaged two others) shut down the landing zone, leaving them stranded and surrounded overnight.By the following morning, PAVN forces had left the area.
On the 7th, the division’s 2nd Brigade inserted its three battalions unopposed. After ten days (and only one significant firefight) the American troops returned to South Vietnam, leaving the area to the ARVN.Historian Shelby Stanton has noted that “there was a noted lack of aggressiveness” in the combat assault and that the division seemed to be “suffering from almost total combat paralysis.” During Operation Binh Tay II, the ARVN 22nd Division moved against Base Area 702 from 14–26 May. The second phase of the operation was carried out by ARVN forces against Base Area 701 between 20 May and 27 June when elements of the ARVN 22nd Division conducted operations against Base Area 740.
On 10 May, Bravo Company, 3rd Battalion, 506th Regiment, 101st Airborne Division, was ambushed by a much larger North Vietnamese force in the Se San Valley. Eight U.S. soldiers were killed and 28 wounded. Among the killed was Spc. Leslie Sabo, Jr. (posthumously promoted to sergeant), who was recommended for the Medal of Honor, but the paperwork went missing until 1999. Sabo was awarded the Medal of Honor on 16 May 2012 by President Barack Obama.
In the III Corps Tactical Zone, Operation Toan Thang 44 (Operation Bold Lancer), was conducted by the 1st and 2nd Brigades of the U.S. 25th Infantry Division between 6 May and 30 June. The targets of the operation were Base Areas 353, 354, and 707 located north and northeast of Tay Ninh, South Vietnam. Once again, a hunt for COSVN units was conducted, this time around the Cambodian town of Memot and, once again, the search was futile. During its operations, the 25th Infantry killed 1,017 PAVN and NLF troops while losing 119 of its own men killed.
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News from two fronts: U.S. soldier follows the news while in Cambodia
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Simultaneous with the launching of Toan Thang 44, the two battalions of the 3rd Brigade, U.S. 9th Infantry Division, crossed the border 48 kilometers southwest of the Fishhook into an area known as the Dog’s Face from 7 through 12 May. The only significant contact with PAVN forces took place near the hamlet of Chantrea, where 51 North Vietnamese were killed and another 21 were captured. During the operation, the brigade lost eight men killed and 22 wounded.It was already too late for thousands of ethnic Vietnamese murdered by Cambodian persecution, but there were tens of thousands of Vietnamese still within the country who could now be evacuated to safety. South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu arranged with Lon Nol to repatriate as many as were willing to leave. The new relationship did not, however, prevent the Cambodian government from stripping the Vietnamese of their homes and other personal property before they left.
Thieu then authorized Operation Cuu Long, in which ARVN ground forces, including mechanized and armored units, drove west and northwest up the eastern side of the Mekong River from 9 May – 1 July. A combined force of 110 Vietnamese Navy and 30 U.S. vessels proceeded up the Mekong to Prey Veng, permitting IV Corps ground forces to move westward to Phnom Penh and to aid ethnic Vietnamese seeking flight to South Vietnam. Those who did not wish to be repatriated were then forcibly expelled.Surprisingly, North Vietnamese forces did not oppose the evacuation, though they could easily have done so.
Other operations conducted from IV Corps included Operation Cuu Long II(16–24 May), which continued actions along the western side of the Mekong. Lon Nol had requested that the ARVN help in the retaking of Kompong Speu, a town along Route 4 southwest of Phnom Penh and 90 miles (140 km) inside Cambodia. A 4,000-man ARVN armored task force linked up with Cambodian ground troops and then retook the town. Operation Cuu Long III(24 May – 30 June) was an evolution of the previous operations after U.S. forces had left Cambodia.
After rescuing the Vietnamese from the Cambodians, ARVN was tasked with saving the Cambodians from the North Vietnamese. The goal was to relieve the city of Kompong Cham, 70 kilometers northwest of the capital and the site of the headquarters of Cambodia’s Military Region I. On 23 May, General Tri led a column of 10,000 ARVN troops along Route 7 to the 180-acre (0.73 km2) Chup rubber plantation, where PAVN resistance was expected to be heavy. Surprisingly, no battle ensued and the siege of Kompong Cham was lifted at a cost of 98 PAVN troops killed.
USAF UH-1Ps over Cambodia.
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B-52D during a bombing mission over South-east Asia.
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Within two months, however, the limit of the operational area was extended past the Mekong, and U.S. tactical aircraft were soon directly supporting Cambodian forces in the field. These missions were officially denied by the U.S. and false coordinates were given in official reports to hide their existence. Defense Department records indicated that out of more than 8,000 combat sorties flown in Cambodia between July 1970 and February 1971, approximately 40 percent were flown outside the authorized Freedom Deal boundary.
The real struggle for the U.S. and ARVN forces in Cambodia was the effort at keeping their units supplied. Once again, the need for security before the operations and the rapidity with which units were transferred to the border regions precluded detailed planning and preparation. This situation was exacerbated by the poor road network in the border regions and the possibility of ambush for nighttime road convoys demanded that deliveries only take place during daylight. Aerial resupply, therefore, became the chief method of logistical replenishment for the forward units. Military engineers and aviators were kept in constant motion throughout the incursion zone.
President Nixon proclaimed the incursion to be “the most successful military operation of the entire war.” General Abrams was of like mind, believing that time had been bought for the pacification of the South Vietnamese countryside and that U.S. and ARVN forces had been made safe from any attack out of Cambodia during 1971 and 1972. A “decent interval” had been obtained for the final American withdrawal. ARVN General Tran Dinh Tho was more skeptical: “despite its spectacular results…it must be recognized that the Cambodian incursion proved, in the long run, to pose little more than a temporary disruption of North Vietnam’s march toward domination of all of Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam.”
Cambodian civilians bag up captured North Vietnamese rice
`
The logistical haul discovered, removed, or destroyed in eastern Cambodia during the operations was indeed prodigious: 20,000 individual and 2,500 crew-served weapons; 7,000 to 8,000 tons of rice; 1,800 tons of ammunition (including 143,000 mortar shells, rockets, and recoilless rifle rounds); 29 tons of communications equipment; 431 vehicles; and 55 tons of medical supplies. MACV intelligence estimated that PAVN/NLF forces in southern Vietnam required 1,222 tons of all supplies each month to keep up a normal pace of operations.Due to the loss of its Cambodian supply system and continued aerial interdiction in Laos, MACV estimated that for every 2.5 tons of material sent south down the Ho Chi Minh trail, only one ton reached its destination. However, the true loss rate was probably only around ten percent. General Abrams claimed 11,000 enemy soldiers killed and 2,500 captured, but his figures were disputed by CIA, who insisted that civilians death were figured into Abrams’s total
South Vietnamese losses were 809 killed, 3,486 wounded. The United States suffered 338 dead, 1,525 wounded and 13 MIA.
Attack on Fire Base Jay
Fire Base Jay was located somewhere between Nui Chua Chan and Vo Dat, about a mile off a wide dirt road and controlled by the 2/7 Cav.
In the early morning hours of March 29, 1971, FB Jay was subjected to an all-out assault by the 93rd NVA Regiment. Jay had been in position for eleven days, one day less than Illingworth. The NVA pounded Jay with artillery and rockets, then executed a full combat assault with several hundred infantry. The commander at Jay, Lt. Col. Robert Hannas, was gravely wounded, losing both legs to an RPG and a mortar round. His men held, however, but only by a whisker. Fifteen GIs were killed, another 54 wounded.
Fire Base Jay
From the Left: Margarito Gomez (KIA July 23, 1971),
William Prevost, Anthony Lashley, Larry Griffeth, and Lt. Green
From the Jerry Smith Collection
Fire Base Jay
A very small crowded fire base . . .
From the Jerry Smith Collection
Fire Base Jay
. . .With very loud guns.
From the Jerry Smith Collection
BATTLE OF FIREBASE ILLINGWORTH
November 11, 2013 byLatosha Adams and Philip Keith
Michael J. Conrad, West Point Class of ’56, had his first defining hour at a dirty, dusty, outpost in the middle of the jungle, near the Cambodian border on April 1, 1970. It was at a place called Firebase Illingworth. Here is his story:
The Army’s tactics heretofore had been search-and-destroy, which had required an active hunt for the enemy followed by set piece battles on favorable terrain, when possible. The results had been mixed, mostly due to the NVA’s reluctance to throw themselves wantonly on the superior guns of the Americans. General Casey, who was then on his third tour in Vietnam (and would soon assume command of the entire Division), decided to roll the dice differently. With the concurrence of General Roberts, he gathered his battalion commanders and told them they were going to “bust some serious brush.” He wanted his units to hopscotch across the region, setting up and dismantling fire support bases with alacrity. These flimsy forts would be purposely placed on top of known enemy supply routes or near suspected caches of food and ammunition. They would not be heavily fortified. The idea was to present targets too tempting for the NVA to ignore. It worked. Wherever the 1st Cav placed these minimally manned outposts, the NVA exhibited a distinct inclination to attack them. When the NVA were sufficiently tempted and pounced, massive amounts of offsite artillery (usually at other nearby fire support bases) and TACAIR would be deployed in a concentrated effort to wipe out the attacking NVA force.
It was a dangerous game of cat-and-mouse and although the 1st Cav never lost an outpost, some of the engagements were a very near thing, indeed. Such was the case at Fire Support Base Illingworth on April Fool’s Day, 1970.
Promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, Mike Conrad was, at the time, commanding officer of the 2nd battalion, 8th Cavalry, 1st Cavalry Division. The 2/8 was Mike’s first major combat command. Between the four line companies assigned, a headquarters company and a recon platoon, Mike commanded about 650 men. During the months of February and March, the battalion had been engaged in a number of very serious firefights and casualties, especially in Charlie Company, had been extremely high. Nonetheless, the tempo had not let up. General Casey was encouraged by the results he was getting from his new strategy and he wanted the battalions under his control to bear down even harder and squeeze tighter.
As the month of March, 1970 drew to a close, Conrad’s Charlie Company, reduced to 85 men, was sent out on a long range scout for the NVA. After several harrowing days on patrol, Charlie inadvertently walked into the middle of a major NVA supply base. The NVA were situated in well fortified dirt-and-log bunkers, studded with automatic weapons, heavy machine guns and RPGs. Charlie, including more than two dozen “newbies” who had yet to fire a shot in anger, were instantly surrounded by six or seven times their numbers, pinned down, and fighting for their very lives. The beleaguered company commander got on the radio and called for help.
Mike Conrad sprinted for his helicopter, got in the air, jumped on the brigade frequency, and started marshaling resources to rescue his men. He called in TACAIR and artillery support; but, neither could do much good since the NVA and the Americans were intermingled. There was no way to fly in additional troops: there were no landing zones and the triple canopy jungle was far too dense for aerial insertion. Luckily, however, there was a single troop of cavalry from the 11th Armored nearby. Equally fortunate, these men were temporarily under Conrad’s operational command. Could they, by some miracle, “bust” enough jungle with their tanks and ACAVs to reach Conrad’s stranded men and pull them out? It was a desperate gamble, but one of the only plays available to Conrad, so he ordered these men to get moving.
Meanwhile, Conrad flew as close to his trapped grunts as survival would allow, constantly encouraging them and directing whatever artillery and air support he could. He tried many times to air drop supplies and ammunition. The NVA kept sending the helos away riddled with bullets, smoking, and often on fire. Only one relief mission, flown by General Casey himself, was able to get close enough to drop some badly needed water and ammunition.
Providentially, the cavalry was finally able to smash their way into the encirclement after several tense hours of punishing travel through the thick vegetation. The tanks and ACAVs pounded away at the NVA until all the surviving members of Charlie—and their dead—could be gathered up and safely extracted. It was a magnificent rescue and an inspiring tour de force, engineered by Mike Conrad’s quick thinking, tactical skill and, of course, his valiant troops.*
The tattered but unbroken remnants of Charlie (only 38 effective) were ordered to stand down and regroup at a nearby firebase that Conrad’s men had set up in a clearing about five miles away. This temporary outpost had been christened in the name of a 20-year old PFC by the name of “Jack” Illingworth, from the 2/8’s own Alpha Company. Illingworth had perished in a nasty firefight some two weeks prior, after heroically rescuing one of his own comrades, an act for which he would receive a posthumous Silver Star.
Conrad’s battalion had carved out FB Illingworth on March 17. The brigade’s G-2 had picked the spot from intel that indicated that it would be right on top of, or at least very close to, a major NVA infiltration route. The 1st Cav was throwing down another gauntlet, daring the NVA to protect their turf, begging them to come out and fight. Conrad’s’ troops would be the bait in a carefully staged trap—at least that was the plan. If the NVA didn’t take the bait—and they didn’t always follow the desires of the US Army—Conrad would, as he had done several times already, pick up his team and their weapons and move to another spot in four or five days. He already had his next jump coordinates selected, in fact.
Then something changed. A week went by. No orders to relocate came down the line. Charlie Company, before being pounced on March 26, had recovered documents from the body of a dead NVA officer. The man was carrying detailed sketches of FB Illingworth, including where all the guns were placed, the location of the TOC, the communications tower, and all of Conrad’s firing positions. That was it, as far as Conrad was concerned, and he hopped into his command helo to go see his boss, General Casey. Casey concurred with Conrad’s imperative to move the base, but, surprisingly, General Roberts demurred. He wanted to hold tight, not only with Illingworth but also another nearby firebase, FB Jay, controlled by the 2/7. Conrad was dumbfounded; but, he had his orders.
Sure enough, in the early morning hours of March 29, FB Jay was subjected to an all-out assault by the 93rd NVA Regiment. Jay had been in position for eleven days, one day less than Illingworth. The NVA pounded Jay with artillery and rockets, then executed a full combat assault with several hundred infantry. The commander at Jay, Lt. Col. Robert Hannas, was gravely wounded, losing both legs to an RPG and a mortar round. His men held, however, but only by a whisker. Fifteen GIs were killed, another 54 wounded.
Surely now, Conrad believed, Illingworth would be abandoned. Imagine Conrad’s incredulity when, the next day, forty more tons of artillery ammunition arrived along with 30 replacements for Charlie Company. “Stand fast,” he was told. “Dig in. General Roberts is happy with the action we are getting and he wants to see what will happen next.”
This was it: the beginning of Mike Conrad’s defining hours. Consider Conrad’s plight: Most of his battalion, companies A, B, and D, were out on patrol, too far out, in fact, to hump back in time to make any difference over what Conrad now believed was imminent. Charlie company was in rough shape and dealing with a raft of “cherries” who had never been in combat. His only nearby resource was Echo Recon platoon, a group of 21 tough, experienced, combat veterans. He pulled them back in and put them on the line next to Charlie Company, along with the Echo mortar platoon. He had a handful of men in his headquarters company, several radio operators, a supply sergeant or two. Detachments of three artillery battalions had been sent to Illingworth. Among them were 80-plus “redlegs” and their guns. The 105 and 155 MM howitzers (eight guns altogether) could be useful, but two behemoth, 8-inch guns would not: they were for long range work, not the close in fighting Conrad knew was coming. Also aboard the base were three Sheridan tanks, but they were all awaiting repairs and virtually useless.
Conrad did have plenty of TACAIR on call and his artillery officers had dialed in firing assignments for all the nearby fire support bases. Would it be enough? Conrad knew it would have to be—or they’d all end up as casualties or POWs.
The command structure was not working in Conrad’s favor either. The artillery assets aboard his firebase were not under his command or control. They reported to division artillery. Immensely complicating Conrad’s situation was that “someone” at division artillery, no one knows who it was to this day, shipped Conrad 40 unneeded and definitely unwanted tons of 8-inch artillery ammunition the day before the battle. There was no time to bunker it in properly and no one to countermand the orders sending it to Illingworth. It would sit, in the middle of the base, in a large, unprotected pile, waiting for an enemy grenade or satchel charge to blow it all to kingdom come.
Observation, intelligence, and experience all dictated that the enemy was lurking a few hundred yards away, in the jungle perimeter, setting up their available artillery and rockets. Conrad also suspected that there would be many more troops available to the NVA commander than the men he had available. Worse, there were no additional assets nearby that could get to Illingworth in time: the cavalry was over ten miles away, and there were no roads. All nearby infantry was dug in and defending the other firebases in the region. Conrad’s only external resource was TACAIR, as mentioned; but, the enemy would likely attack at night when airborne assets would be largely blind. Conrad also knew that the enemy would try to get in as close to his troops as quickly as possible. The tactic was dubbed “danger close,” which meant “too close:” jets and attack helos would not be able to distinguish between friend and foe, thereby making it impossible to shoot.
Mike Conrad was finishing up his thirteenth year of commissioned service. He had done well. He was a lieutenant colonel with bright prospects and was already a favorite of his superiors. He was considered one of the best battalion commanders in the entire division. He had trained for this moment all his career. He had combat experience and a bucket full of academic honors. All of that was on the line. Depending on what he did with the next few hours of his life men would live or die and Conrad’s own career would move forward or effectively end. He was on the bubble. What would he do?
He could try and find some creative way to thwart his orders, but Mike Conrad was simply not that kind of soldier. He was a skilled and creative thinker, and a realist, but he was not a quitter and he would not thwart the chain of command. The command structure was not always right, he knew this, but breaking it, right or wrong, was not in his tradition, training, or schema. This was what he had been taught, what he believed, and it was what he would do. He knew, like countless others of his West Point forebears and peers, that the chain of command is the backbone of the military: break it, and you invite disaster, even if you’re ultimately proven right.
Mike Conrad would do the best he could with what he had, and if the chips fell his way, well, that would be good but if they didn’t, that was not going to be in his control.
As darkness settled over FB Illingworth on the night of March 31, 1970, Conrad was convinced this would be the time when he and his men would be tested. He called all his officers together and gave them explicit instructions on how to handle each sector of their responsibilities. Conrad walked the entire post, with his radioman, several times, personally seeing to his dispositions and encouraging his troops. After darkness fell, he let his men stand down and grab some chow, have a smoke and catch a few minutes of sack time, but he held them in place, right where they needed to be, in their firing positions. Shortly after midnight, he executed a “mad minute,” opening up all the hand-held weapons on the base; but, knowing the enemy would be counting and spotting his guns, he had all the riflemen and machine gunners fire from “false” positions, then scurry back to their fortified and better entrenched emplacements. After the mad minute, Conrad passed the word for everyone to hunker down, under cover. He knew that any attack would begin with the NVA softening up the base with mortars, rockets, and artillery.
Shortly after 2 AM, the opening salvos from the NVA arched into the sky and starting raining down on Illingworth. The aim of the NVA was good: in the first few moments, they knocked down Conrad’s communications tower, effectively “blinding” him for long distance communication. He and his artillery liaison were able to communicate with a Blue Max helo pilot, circling above the base, who set up a comm link between Illingworth and division headquarters.
Seconds after the artillery barrage lifted, the 272nd NVA Regiment, over 400 strong, came boiling out of the jungle, attacking in waves of 30 or 40 at several different points along the perimeter. Fortunately for Conrad, unfortunately for the NVA, the enemy elected to concentrate its attacks at the southwest corner of the base, right where the infantry defense was the strongest.
Men grappled, fought, stabbed and shot each other in the darkness for the next hour. TACAIR roared overhead, savaging the NVA assault on its perimeters as men were fed into the fight. The 105-mm batteries, at zero elevation, banged away, punching gaps in the lines of the attackers. The redlegs who couldn’t use or sight their weapons for close-in work grabbed M-16s and frags and stepped up to the berm to fight as infantry. The unhorsed cavalrymen grabbed whatever handheld weapons they could scrounge and manned their portion of the sandbagged wall.
While all of this was going on, Conrad was everywhere: racing around the perimeter, plugging gaps, shifting men, pushing frightened soldiers back on the line. He tried to sow encouragement everywhere he went.
Shortly after 3 AM, as feared, the huge, unprotected stockpile of 8-inch ammunition blew. How it happened remains unknown: there were many small fires nearby; or, it could have been a satchel charge, grenade or mortar round. Some witnesses likened it to an atomic blast, complete with a giant mushroom cloud. Men close to the blast were sucked into the sky or pounded into the ground. Everyone else was tossed through the air or knocked flat. Eardrums were blown, guns ripped from hands, dirt and dust flew everywhere, so much so, in fact, that all weapons jammed. Combat came to a halt. For the next few minutes, death and destruction rained from the sky: 200-pound artillery shells, truck parts, sandbags, equipment, tools, and utensils of all kinds; and, of course, bodies, or parts of bodies.
Mike Conrad, at the time, was providentially in the TOC but later stated, “I thought it was the end of the world.”
A full ten minutes of silence passed. As friend and foe staggered back to their feet sporadic firing resumed, as soon as weapons could be cleaned, but the blast had broken the back of the attack. One by one, then in small groups, the enemy retreated into the jungle. The surviving Americans went about gathering up the few live prisoners left behind, mostly wounded, and rooting out the few attackers still willing to fight. A little after 4 AM, the main fight was over. Shortly thereafter, a company of Sherman tanks from the 11th Armored burst through the jungle thickets nearby. They had been charging hell bent for leather for the past four hours, riding to the rescue. They didn’t get there until the action was all but over, but when they arrived they threw an immediate and welcome cordon around the devastated compound.
At about 5 AM, the first of the dust-offs arrived, to evacuate the wounded, of which there were many. Brigade and division officers flew in to assess the damage and get first-hand reports on the action. Mike Conrad was a mess, but he was alive and had only sustained cuts and bruises. He reported to General Casey covered in dirt, his voice hoarse from all the shouting he had done, and still coughing out spittles of dirt and dust from his grit-filled lungs. If anyone had a right to say, “I told you so!” it was Mike Conrad, but he did not. He delivered as professional a report as his exhaustion and depleted stamina would allow.
Conrad’s command had held together and repulsed an enemy force of far superior numbers. Over one hundred NVA bodies littered the battlefield—and those were just the corpses left behind. The NVA liked to remove their dead from the field, mostly to obscure their losses from a US Army obsessed with body counts.
General Roberts landed, told the men what an outstanding job they had done, handed out a few random Silver Stars from a cigar box stashed aboard his helicopter, then flew away after promising the survivors that a “hot meal” would be flown in “shortly.” It ultimately arrived in time for dinner.
General Casey was laudatory as well, praising Conrad for holding his command together in the face of very bad odds. He gave Conrad some good news and some bad: the good news was that he and his battalion would get a stand-down, back to the rear, to re-group and re-arm. The bad news was that it wouldn’t come until the next day: Conrad and his men would have to hold Illingworth one more night. Conrad was thunderstruck, but Casey was firm. One more day.
Slowly, the survivors of Illingworth began to pick up the pieces, bag up the bodies and parts of bodies, reposition the artillery aiming stakes, find serviceable weapons and ammo, and bind up their wounds. Many dust-offs came and went. Water and hot chow finally arrived. The chaplain held a mass amidst the wreckage.
Most, Mike Conrad included, thought the enemy might come back that night and try and finish the job. They nervously positioned their vastly thinned out ranks along the berm once more and waited. The night passed. The enemy did not return.
The next day Fire Base Illingworth was abandoned. The engineers arrived and dismantled everything, salvaging what they could. By the end of the day, Illingworth was no more—except for the large mound of earth covering the common grave of the enemy soldiers who had perished there.
Mike Conrad’s depleted battalion was pulled off the line. They were sent to the rear, as promised, to rest up and regroup. Little did they know that a month later they would be back in the thick of it, charging off with the rest of the division into Cambodia.
Mike Conrad had gone through hell and back, transiting his defining hours with valor and distinction. He would be awarded another Silver Star for his courage and leadership at Fire Base Illingworth. He would recommend one of his young E-Recon warriors, Peter Lemon, who exhibited extraordinary bravery during the dark hours at Illingworth, for the Medal of Honor. Lemon would receive that award more than a year later. Two Distinguished Service Crosses, both posthumous, were also earned by members of E-Recon, Sergeants Casey Waller, and Brent Street. There were also a slew of Silver Stars, Bronze Stars, Army Commendation Medals, too. Many Combat Infantryman Badges were earned, and dozens and dozens of Purple Hearts were granted.
The struggle at Fire Base Illingworth was the worst battle of the worst single day of the war in the year 1970. It was a battalion versus regiment slugfest with a 40% casualty rate on one side (the US) and better than a 50% casualty rate on the other (the 272nd NVA Regiment). Echoes from that contest, good and bad, echoed all the way from the battlefield to the White House.
Mike Conrad’s steadfast performance as a battalion commander at a very difficult time in the Vietnam War gained him notice and many friends. It certainly helped to propel him up the ladder. A year after Illingworth Mike was a full colonel, would make brigadier general easily, then return to command his old division, the First Cavalry, and retire as a major general. He is still president of his West Point class, a group from which not only Mike emerged, but also BGEN John C. “Doc” Bahnsen and General Norman Schwarzkopf.
Plaque remembering FSB Illingworth dedicated at the Artillery Museum
The “defining hour” comes to all who don the uniform of a commissioned officer in the armed forces of the United States. It certainly came for Mike Conrad, and he survived its passage with honor, dignity, courage and steadfastness. This brings me to my final point: Mike Conrad, although an exceptional officer, was one of many from his era of the same caliber. The national angst that we have had for over five decades relative to the Vietnam War has tended to obscure the careers, deeds, and courage of many men and women like Mike. It’s time to change that. It’s time to bring these men and women “home” to the place of honor and dignity that they should enjoy in our pantheon of true American heroes. Mike is an example of the best of the best, but he is only one of the many tens of thousands who served in Vietnam who have been sidelined or largely ignored. It’s time to change that dynamic. I am hopeful that there will be many more narratives like Mike Conrad’s to reach the gaze of the American public in the days ahead. We should do so before these stories and the wonderfully brave, loyal, and courageous Americans who made them are lost to us for good.
*Mike Conrad, General Casey and the cavalry troop commander would all receive Silver Stars for this action and Alpha Troop of the 11th Armored would be belatedly decorated with the Presidential Unit Citation.
Phil Keith is a Vietnam veteran. He is the author of Firebase Illingworth and Blackhorse Riders. As he was writing his new book, Firebase Illingworth, he researched Conrad, whose reputation as a leader was more than proven during Vietnam, and beyond, until he retired as a Major General years later.
Battle of Ap Gu
The Battle of Ap Gu occurred during 31 March and 1 April 1967 during Operation Junction City, a search and destroy mission by American military forces in Tay Ninh Province of South Vietnam, to the west of the capital Saigon. The battle near the border with Cambodia left 609 Viet Cong killed, 5 captured, and over 50 weapons of all types captured, while the Americans lost 17 killed and 102 wounded.
Two American infantry battalions were scheduled to make an airborne assault into an area near the border with Cambodia to secure some roads and US bases, and to search and destroy communists in the surrounding area. The assault was scheduled for 30 March, but poor weather meant that one of the battalions did not land until the day after. In the early afternoon of 31 March, the Americans began reconnaissance missions, and one platoon was put into difficulty by a communist attack that killed their commanding officer. A few hours later, an American company was attacked by a battalion-sized communist force, and were in difficulty until supporting artillery allowed them to withdraw. The communists tried to exploit their advantage but were driven off by American firepower.
Before dawn the next day, the communists launched their main attacks on an American landing zone and fire support base with mortar fire and infantry charged. They managed to overrun a few bunkers and capture territory before the Americans called in air strikes and cluster bombs. This wore down the communists and they forced the Viet Cong to withdraw by early morning with heavy casualties.
On 26 March the 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Alexander M. Haig, was told to prepare for an airborne assault deeper into War Zone C and nearer to the Cambodian border. At that time, the Battalion was attached to the 2d Brigade of the 1st Infantry Division and was located at Fire Support Patrol Base C at Sroc Con Trang, where they were engaged in perimeter defense, road security, and occasional search and destroy operations. The plan was to make the landing on the morning of 30 March into what would be Landing Zone (LZ) George, some 14 km (9 mi) to the west. They would secure the zone for a follow-up landing by the 1st Battalion, 2nd Infantry Regiment, and then conduct operations together in an area where Viet Cong are expected to be positioned.
On the scheduled day of the assault, poor weather delayed the preparatory air strikes around and on the LZ, resulting in a two-hour delay. Thus, the assault of the 1/2nd Infantry was postponed until 31 March, and the 1/26th Infantry landed in the afternoon of 30 March at LZ George.The LZ consisted of open fields covered with tall, meadow-like grass and the area was surrounded by medium to heavy jungle. The remainder of the Battalion landed within an hour. Upon landing the Battalion dispatched cloverleaf patrols to try to intercept the Viet Cong. The patrols uncovered fortified positions in and around the LZ but made no contact. That evening the unit organized its night defensive position in the vicinity of the LZ. Fighting positions were dug with full overhead cover and interlocking fires all around, as was the standard practice. Listening posts were established and ambush patrols sent out. No significant contact with the Viet Cong occurred overnight.
The next morning, 31 March, the 1/2nd Infantry led by Lieutenant Colonel William C. Simpson landed at LZ George without incident. After this, they moved to 2 km (1 mi) southwest. The 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry began their search and destroy operations in the surrounding area. Company A went south and C Company east. B Company remained in reserve, manning and patrolling the Battalion perimeter at the LZ The Battalion’s reconnaissance platoon was searching the woods northwest of the perimeter. The Viet Cong were expecting the Americans and had hung small signs written in English on the trees, warning that Americans who went beyond the signs would not return.
At 13:00 the platoon moved further north into a wooded area, approximately 5 km (3 mi) south of the Cambodian border. There, first contact was made. The platoon’s point man was hit by enemy fire, and First Lieutenant Richard A. Hill went forward to check the situation, only to be mortally wounded. Only Hill’s radio operator was left in contact with the Battalion headquarters. Hill had advised the Battalion that his platoon was heavily engaged with automatic weapons, small arms, and grenades. Haig called for artillery support and after being advised that Hill was incapacitated, taking action to co-ordinate the artillery fire and air strikes in support of the platoon.
At the same time, B Company was closing on the perimeter after a sweep of the Battalion’s defensive zone. When advised of the reconnaissance platoon’s desperate position and that Hill had been hit, the commander of B Company took his men to the north to the assistance of the embattled platoon without the knowledge of Haig.
Colonel Haig boarded his helicopter, and it was not until he was airborne that he learned of B Company’s move. As Haig pointed out later, while Company B’s move was necessary, the lack of accurate control of artillery and air support complicated the problem. As a result, B Company had entered the battle without sufficient preparation and found itself heavily engaged along with the reconnaissance platoon.
The B Company commander reported that he was confronting a Viet Cong force of at least Battalion-size, and his optimism gradually faded; his men were pinned down by heavy machine gun fire, rockets, mortars, and recoilless rifles, and was running low on ammunition. Haig realized that reinforcements and relief were necessary. Company A was alerted and ordered to move forward to relieve B Company.
Haig landed near the battle and had his Battalion operations officer take to the air to control fire direction. Haig found Hill’s body and the B Company commander wounded. Haig stayed and was joined by the A Company commander, who had moved his unit through and gained fire superiority over the enemy force.
The American artillery and air strikes increased, permitting all units, except initially two platoons of A Company still in contact, to be withdrawn under fire cover. As the Americans moved back, the Viet Cong left their bunkers and moved forward to try to keep the pressure on the Americans, but they were forced to stop because of the American bombardment, and the fighting stopped at 17:05. Seven Americans were killed and 38 wounded in the initial skirmish, while the Viet Cong casualties were unknown at that time.
Meanwhile, the Division commander, General John H. Hay, had ordered reinforcements. At 15:55 the first element of the 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, except C Company, touched down at LZ George under Viet Cong sniper fire and occupied positions to the west and northwest of the 1/26th Infantry. The Battalion, led by Colonel Rufus C. Lazzell, established night defensive positions. The two Battalions coordinated defensive plans to improve their fighting positions, establish listening posts, and send out ambush patrols
During the night, American harassment and interdiction artillery and mortar fires were placed in the area around the perimeter. From midnight until 04:00 on 1 April, listening posts to the north, east, and south reported movement to their front; however, their contact was insignificant contact. Mortar fire was directed into areas of suspected Viet Cong activity.
At 04:55 a single Viet Cong mortar round exploded to the front of the perimeter of the 1/26th Infantry. Haig heard and correctly interpreted it to be a registration round for a mortar attack. He immediately ordered all of his companies to be on full alert posture and directed them to take cover and be prepared for an attack. He also recommended that the 1/16th Infantry do the same, and Lazzell’s unit complied.
Haig immediately requested Capt. Dave Ernest lay down artillery cover fire. Five minutes after the Viet Cong registration round landed, the first of several hundred rounds of 60-mm., 82-mm., and 120-mm. mortar fire was directed into the northern portions of the American perimeter. The Americans estimated the source of fire to be 1 km (1 mi) northeast of the defensive perimeter. They could hear the rounds being fired and concluded that the Viet Cong were nearby, and that so many mortars were firing that they “sounded like loud, heavy machine guns.” Due to the early warning and thus the rapid response, only 12 men were wounded.
At the same time, the mortar attack opened on the units in LZ George, a coordinated attack was launched against Fire Support Patrol Base C, where much of the artillery for the 1/26th Infantry and the 1/16th Infantry was dug in. The incoming mortar and 75-mm. pack howitzer rounds hit the artillery base and made it more inefficient. However, the artillery that had moved into Fire Support Patrol Base Thrust, on 29 March was not under incoming mortar attack and could provide support unhindered. The Americans were surprised that the Viet Cong did not attack this base to try to hinder their artillery fire.
Haig felt that the Viet Cong had wanted to press on after the previous day’s attack and that he would have taken the initiative if his opponents had not. The heavy mortar attack ended at 05:15, but continued for a further hour at Fire Support Patrol Base C. During this time flare ships, a light helicopter fire team, and forward air controllers were furnished by the 2d Brigade tactical headquarters on request. Seven minutes later the Viet Cong started their ground attack against the northeast edge of the perimeter.
The attack mainly hit B and C Companies of the 1/26th Infantry, and A Company and the reconnaissance platoon of the 1/16th Infantry. As the soldiers manning the friendly listening posts withdrew to the perimeter, the Viet Cong followed them in. The withdrawing Americans had accidentally set off flares, allowing the Viet Cong to see them and open fire will small arms and machine guns, backed by mortars.
The surprise attack caught the Americans off guard and resulted in the capture of three bunkers and the capture of territory roughly 40 m by 100 m wide in the C Company sector and close-quarters hand-to-hand fighting occurred. Haig later admitted that the night defensive position he selected, with a natural wood line leading into the northeast portion of the perimeter made this the most vulnerable portion of his perimeter and that the Viet Cong were clever in attacking at this point. The Americans had to fall back 75 m to consolidate.
The commander of Company C, Captain Brian H. Cundiff, defying the intense fire, moved among his men and organized an effective response to the Viet Cong penetration. At 06:30 the reserve of the 1/26th Infantry, the reconnaissance platoon, moved into a blocking position behind C Company and, along with B Company, fought to re-establish the original perimeter. Meanwhile, the Viet Cong launched diversionary attacks from the east and west. By this time, flights for air strikes were coming over the target area four times an hour, providing continuous air cover.
Initially, there was some difficulty in getting the flights loaded with cluster bombs; these were seen as essential and the most effective ordnance for the situation, as the Viet Cong were in the open, in close range to the Americans, and as the pilot can release the cluster bombs from a low level within 30 m of the Americans without harming them.
The main Viet Cong attack was beginning to be worn down by the American firepower. Light and heavy helicopter fire teams were aiming rockets and miniguns on the wood line to the northeast; artillery was massing along the east flank and in depth to the east. As the flights arrived with cluster bombs and attacked within thirty meters of the American positions, large groups of Viet Cong bodies formed. As the ordnance began taking its toll, the Viet Cong started to run, many throwing down their weapons.
In the meantime, Captain Cundiff led elements of C Company, reinforced by the 1st Platoon of B Company, in a massive counter-attack that pushed the remaining Viet Cong back into the American artillery barrages and air strikes and by 08:00 the perimeter was restored.
As the Viet Cong began withdrawing, the 1/2nd Infantry and the 1/16th Infantry passed through the 1/26th Infantry to pursue the Viet Cong to the east and northeast. However, they could not make substantial contact. Artillery and air strikes were ordered on suspected withdrawal routes and camps.
After the battle was over, the Americans found 491 Viet Cong bodies in their base area, but concluded that there were many more deaths. The Americans concluded that they had confronted three battalions of the 271st Viet Cong Regiment of the 9th Viet Cong Division and elements of the 70th Guard Regiment and that they had killed 609 and captured 5, and recovered over 50 weapons of all types. The Americans reported 17 killed and 102 wounded.
During the mortar attack on Fire Support Patrol Base C, where the 2d Brigade command post was located, Colonel Grimsley was wounded and evacuated, and General James F. Hollingsworth took command. Later that day, Colonel Haig took over.
During the battle, artillery from Alpha Battery, 1st Battalion 7th Field Artillery, under Captain David Ernest, had fired around 15,000 rounds, while the United States Air Force jet fighter-bombers recorded 103 sorties amounting to over 100 tons of ordnance dropped.
Haig felt that the air power, particularly cluster bombs, were the main factor in the US success, although he also acknowledged the artillery and mortar in grinding down the Viet Cong. However, he also claimed that without all of the components used in the American effort, it would have failed.
Haig claimed that Ap Gu and Operation Attleboro showed the Viet Cong were tactically and strategically naïve and inflexible at large-unit open combat.
NOTE: There are volumes of books that list every battle / operation of the war. This was not my intent here.
Information used for the series of battles in this article was obtained from The History Channel, Military Channel, YouTube, Tropic Lightning News, Wikipedia, and Vietnam Magazine.
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By Tracy Agnew – originally published in The Suffolk News-Herald on February 17, 2016. This is the first anniversary of his death.
A Suffolk native who was held prisoner of war in Vietnam for more than seven years died Tuesday morning.
U.S. Air Force Col. Fred Vann Cherry was 87 years old and living in Maryland. His son, Fred Cherry Jr., said his father viewed the time in captivity as part of what he had signed up for.
“He knew what to expect,” Cherry said. “To dad, those seven and a half years was his duty.”
Former POW and U.S. Air Force COL Fred Vann Cherry (Captured 22 Oct 65) waves to the public and press there to greet the plane load of former POWs flown in from Clark Air Base. COL Cherry was released by the North Vietnamese in Hanoi on12 Feb 73.
Cherry was the first and highest-ranking black officer to become a prisoner in Vietnam. He was shot down Oct. 22, 1965, at the age of 37. His wife and five children were living in Japan at the time.
In a talk given at the U.S. Naval War College in 2012, the elder Cherry candidly discussed all aspects of his imprisonment.
He took off from Thailand about 10 a.m. that day to target a missile installation, Cherry told the audience. He flew about 600 miles an hour for 32 minutes and was hit by ground fire just prior to arriving at his target.
He was so close to the ground he could see the Vietnamese firing on him, he said.
“I saw them start to shoot,” he said. “The muzzle flashes got my attention. I felt my aircraft take a very definite hit.”
Cherry kept flying briefly, attempting to gain control of the aircraft. However, he had to eject when it exploded. As he was falling, people on the ground continued to shoot at him.
“They missed. That was the important thing,” he said during the 2012 speech, prompting laughter.
His parachute opened just 200 feet from the ground. The impact broke his left shoulder, left ankle and left wrist. Field workers took his weapons and imprisoned him.
He eventually arrived at “The Zoo,” a prisoner-of-war camp.
“We were severely punished as new arrivals,” Cherry said during the 2012 speech.
Prisoners were beaten, made to kneel on rocks and other sharp objects, subjected to solitary confinement and more, according to the Naval War College talk.
Cherry’s injuries from his fall were not treated until another prisoner of war, Lt. j.g. Porter Halyburton, was confined with him. Halyburton, who spoke alongside Cherry in the 2012 presentation, said he pushed the Vietnamese to get treatment for Cherry by telling them he would die if he wasn’t treated.
“I knew they didn’t want that, because we were valuable property,” Halyburton said in 2012.
The surgery on Cherry’s shoulder was botched and left him with more open wounds, which the Vietnamese again did not treat appropriately. Cherry remained unable to lift his left arm above his head for the rest of his life.
“Fred never complained about anything, in spite of this incredible pain and discomfort he went through,” Halyburton said in 2012.
The friendship between the two men — whom the Vietnamese put together mistakenly thinking that racial tension would break them — became the subject of a book, “Two Souls Indivisible: The Friendship that Saved Two POWs in Vietnam,” by James S. Hirsch.
Meanwhile, Cherry’s family was worried about him.
“We knew he was shot down,” the younger Cherry said Wednesday. “It took months before they could confirm he was alive and being held captive.”
Communication between Cherry and his family was scarce, but a few letters did manage to get through. So Cherry knew, by the time he got out of imprisonment, that two of his sons had signed on to serve — one in the Navy and one in the Army. The third son also later enlisted.
The younger Cherry was stationed in Germany when he learned, through a list of POWs being released published in the Air Force Times, that his father was being freed on Feb. 12, 1973.
“I said, ‘Man, you have to send me home,’” Cherry recalled telling his supervisor. “About an hour later, they had packed all my stuff up, and they had a Jeep and my airplane tickets.”
Cherry arrived at Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland just before his father’s plane touched down. He was surprised to find that he was now the same height as his father.
“As a kid, your dad is big, bigger than life,” he said. “He gets off the plane and he’s my height.”
He and his brother, who greeted their father in uniform, soon found that the fact they were outranked by their father was not lost on him.
“He was telling us where to walk,” Cherry said. “He was still an officer, and we were peons.”
Cherry would go on to retire on Sept. 1, 1981, after attending the National War College and being assigned to the Defense Intelligence Agency and having served more than 30 years in the Air Force. He started his own engineering company.
“I’ve never, ever, ever heard any ill will against my father,” Cherry said. “Everybody that met him adored him, respected him and loved him.”
Cherry’s awards and decorations include two Purple Hearts, the Silver Star, the Air Force Cross, the Legion of Merit with Oak Leaf Cluster, two Distinguished Flying Crosses, two Bronze Stars with Combat V, the Prisoner of War Medal and more.
A scholarship in his name is given annually by the Suffolk Foundation.
Funeral arrangements for Cherry are still pending.
The entire interview featuring Cherry and Halyburton can be viewed below:
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JUST ANOTHER DAY By Don Douglas, Warlord 15, 117th Assault Helicopter Company
It was just another day in the Republic of South Vietnam 1969.In many ways it made no difference whether it was Monday or Sunday, June or December each day brought the same. It was 1969 and I was a combat helicopter pilot with the 117th Assault Helicopter Company called the Warlords, my call sign was Warlord 15. Like in world war II, it was not uncommon for aircraft to be named or have a picture of a woman on the aircraft and in that respect we were no different. All the nose doors on our platoon’s helicopters had a picture of little Annie Fanny a buxom blond caricature. Our aircraft were affectionately called Annie Fanny by the troops.
We had been flying in support of Company D (Ranger) 151 infantry our mission was to use our UH-1H helicopters to insert the Rangers into known areas where the NVA/VC were suspected of operating so they could gather intelligence on enemy locations, enemy movement and troop strength. That intelligence was used to plan larger operations to stem the flow of North Vietnamese and NVA into the Bien Hoa, Saigon area.
It was about 2 AM.We were all asleep, but you really never slept very heavily because there was always the chance you might be called to rescue a team that had made contact with the enemy. When I say team, it was 5-12 Rangers heavily armed but almost always greatly outnumbered in any confrontation. If the enemy troops were of any significant numbers, the Rangers had very little chance of surviving if they did not receive immediate support.
This particular night my ear caught the sound of our FM communications radio. Because the Rangers were almost always too far away from their home base to receive direct radio communications, a radio relay was set up using Aloft Pilots in small fixed wing aircraft to provide the vital communications link between the teams in the field and the tactical operations center (TOC). I could faintly hear the Aloft Pilot reporting that one of the teams had movement on their perimeter and very soon he was yelling that the team had made contact with the enemy. This particular team was what we called a heavy (12 men). It would require two helicopters to remove them from their jungle LZ (landing zone). At the moment a team makes contact with the enemy, an air raid siren would sound and things would start jumping. Within 10 minutes we had 5 helicopters airborne and on the way, 2 cobra gunships, 1 command and control helicopter, and the 2 helicopters that would be needed to extract the heavy team this night.
Our normal procedure was that if you flew the insertion mission of a particular team then you would also fly the extraction mission. This was for some very practical reason; the most important being you had familiarity with the landing zone. Most jungle LZ’s were difficult enough in the day time and almost impossible at night so your chances of succeeding in a night extraction were greatly enhanced if you had familiarity with the LZ. If it was your day off, then the other pilots would draw straws, flip a coin or just volunteer to go get your team. I did not insert this particular team but the second aircraft AC (aircraft commander) was off, so I volunteered to fly the second ship and definitely had no idea know what I just volunteered for. The LZ we would use for extracting the team this night was particularly difficult; it was very small and surrounded on one side by a river and 3 sides by dense jungle this would only allow 1 helicopter at a time into the LZ. In combat flying in general and recon teams in particular the quicker you get in and get out the better chance you and the team had of surviving. The team s exact position was quickly located and the cobra gunships went to work.
Our mission this night was to stabilize the situation on the ground using the cobra gunships so the team could move to the pickup LZ. I was flying trail behind the lead aircraft, waiting to be called in to extract the team. This particular night there was no moon and it was like flying in a barrel with the lid on. It was so black you could not even see the jungle far below. We were orbiting a couple miles away waiting for the call. One moment I was focused on the aircraft flying in front of me, the next moment we were enveloped by a deafening sound, our aircraft being tossed about violently. The human mind always has to find an explanation for what has happened and my explanation was that we were just shot at by a ground to air missile, I keyed my mike and made a radio call to our command and control aircraft (Iron Mike) that we had just been shot at by a missile. My crew chief brought me back to reality and said, “Sir, that was not a missile, it was a jet I saw the pilots face when he went by! He missed us not more than 6 feet.”
After the mission, Iron Mike said he saw the jet coming, but he was heading towards us so fast there was no time to warn us. He just told the ground commanders in the back of his helicopter that he just lost 2 aircraft. Later we figured out it was one of our air force jets and he thought it was his wing man he was coming up on but because of the blackness of this night and the loss of depth perception that goes with night flying the jet pilot did not realize it was 2 – slow moving helicopters until it was almost too late. After just surviving a near fatal midair collision it was time to refocus on the mission at hand; extract a team that was in trouble.
The ground situation was somewhat stabilized, and the call came to go get the first half of the team. The lead ship picked up his 5 men and exited the landing zone and it was now my turn. As we neared the LZ it was obvious we were in for a big challenge. The landing zone was covered in elephant grass, that is grass that is 10-12 feet tall, and the gunships had set it on fire, and it was now a raging fire as we approached. As I descended into the LZ to pick up the waiting troops it was immediately apparent we were potentially in grave danger. The temperature in the landing zone was well over 110 degrees and with all the smoke it was difficult to even breath.
As the helicopter approached the tree line that the team was hiding in, they came running out as the gunships continued their gun runs. I keyed my mike to let the guns know we were coming out. As we lifted off, we were now surrounded on 3 sides with flames. I remember hearing my co-pilot calling out power readings saying that we had reached maximum allowable power and we were not going up but were instead headed for some very large trees and about to crash. I thought to myself, “If I can turn the helicopter sideways, maybe I can maneuver between the 2 large trees,” which were now immediately in front of us. If I could just get us clear of the flames and heat, then maybe this helicopter would start to fly. I banked hard to clear the first tree and the next thing I knew we were flying I could see the black sky and stars, what a welcome sight it was.
We had escaped what could have been a tragic end for the second time in one night. The flight back was uneventful. We dropped off the team, refueled and it was back to bed and soon another day would begin.
Thank you for the article, sir! Glad you made it back! God Bless!
This story was originally published on the website: Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association. To read more stories relating to helicopters in the war, visit their website: https://www.vhpa.org/stories/stories.html
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After leaving Korea, the 1st Cavalry Division was no longer a conventional infantry unit, the division had become an air assault division as the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), commonly referred to as the 1st Air Cav. The use of helicopters on such large scale as troop carriers, cargo lift ships, medevacs, and as aerial rocket artillery, was never before implemented, but by doing so it freed the infantry from the tyranny of terrain to attack the enemy at the time and place of their choosing. In 1965, colors and subordinate unit designations of the 1st Cavalry Division were transferred from Korea to Fort Benning, Georgia, where they were used to reflag the existing 11th Air Assault Division (Test) into 1st Cavalry Division Airmobile. Concurrently, the colors and subordinate unit designations were transferred to Korea to reflag what had been the 1st Cavalry Division into the 2nd Infantry Division.
Shortly thereafter, the 1st Cavalry Division Airmobile began deploying to Camp Radcliff, An Khe, Vietnam, in the Central Highlands and was equipped with the new M16 rifle, the UH-1 troop carrier helicopter, the AH-1 attack helicopter, the CH-47 Chinook cargo helicopter, and the massive CH-54 Skycrane cargo helicopter. All aircraft carried insignia to indicate their battalion and company.
A UH-1D helicopter climbs skyward after discharging a load of US infantrymen
Bell AH-1G over Vietnam (Cobra)
Troops unload from a CH-47 helicopter in the Cay Giep Mountains, Vietnam, 1967.
The division’s first major operation was to help relieve the Siege of Plei Me near Pleiku and the pursuit of the retreating North Vietnamese Army which culminated in the Battle of Ia Drang, described in the book We Were Soldiers Once…And Young, was also the basis of the film We Were Soldiers. Because of that battle the division earned the Presidential Unit Citation (US), the first unit to receive such in the war. 1967 was then spent conducting Operation Pershing, a large scale search and destroy operation of enemy base areas in II Corps in which 5,400 enemy soldiers were killed and 2,000 captured. In Operation Jeb Stuart, January 1968, the division moved north to Camp Evans, north of Hue and on to Landing Zone Sharon and Landing Zone Betty, south of Quang Tri City, all in the I Corps Tactical Zone.
January 27, 1968. 1st Cavalry Division LRP at LZ Betty prelude to Tet.
In the early morning hours of January 31, 1968, the largest battle of the Vietnam War, the Tet Offensive, was launched by 84,000 enemy soldiers across South Vietnam. In the 1st Cavalry Division’s area of operation, the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and Vietcong forces seized most of the city of Hu?. As the 3rd Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, fought to cut off enemy reinforcements pouring into Hue, at Quang Tri City, five enemy battalions, most from the 324th NVA Division, attacked the city and LZ Betty (Headquarters 1st Brigade). To stop allied troops from intervening, three other enemy infantry battalions deployed as blocking forces, all supported by a 122mm-rocket battalion and two heavy-weapons companies armed with 82mm mortars and 75mm recoilless rifles. After intense fighting, 900 NVA and Vietcong soldiers were killed in and around Quang Tri City and LZ Betty. However, across South Vietnam, 1,000 Americans, 2,100 ARVNs, 14,000 civilians, and 32,000 NVA and Vietcong lay dead.
In March 1968 the 1st Cavalry Division shifted forces to LZ Stud, the staging area for Operation Pegasus to break the siege of the Marine combat base at Khe Sanh—the second largest battle of the war. All three brigades participated in this vast airmobile operation, along with a Marine armor thrust. US Air Force B-52s alone dropped more than 75,000 tons of bombs on North Vietnamese soldiers from the 304th and 325th Divisions encroaching the combat base in trenches. As these two elite enemy divisions, with history at Dien Bien Phu and the Ia Drang Valley, depleted, the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) leapfrogged west, clearing Route 9, until at 0:800 hours April 8, the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry, linked-up with Marines at the combat base, ending the 77-day siege.
On April 19, 1968, as the LRPs on Signal Hill directing artillery on enemy trucks in A Shau Valley below
On April 19, 1968, as the 2nd Brigade continued pushing west to the Laotian border, the 1st and 3rd Brigades (about 11,000 men and 300 helicopters) swung southwest and air assaulted A Shau Valley, commencing Operation Delaware. The North Vietnamese Army was a very well-trained, equipped, and led force. They turned A Shau into a formidable sanctuary —complete with PT76 tanks; powerful crew-served 37mm antiaircraft cannons, some radar controlled; twin-barreled 23mm cannons; and scores of 12.7mm heavy machine guns. A daring long-range penetration operation was launched by members of the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile)’s, long-range reconnaissance patrol, against the North Vietnamese Army when they seized “Signal Hill” the name attributed to the peak of Dong Re Lao Mountain, a densely forested 4,879-foot mountain, midway in the valley, so the 1st and 3rd Brigades, slugging it out hidden deep behind the mountains, could communicate with Camp Evans near the coast or with approaching aircraft.
Despite hundreds of B-52 and jet air strikes in Operation Delaware, the enemy shot down a C-130, a CH-54, two Chinooks, and nearly two dozen UH-1 Hueys. Many more were lost in accidents or damaged by ground fire. The division also suffered more than 100 dead and 530 wounded in the operation. Bad weather aggravated the loss by causing delays in troop movements, allowing a substantial number of NVA to escape to safety in Laos. Still, the NVA lost more than 800 dead, a tank, 70 trucks, two bulldozers, 30 flamethrowers, thousands of rifles and machine guns, and dozens of anti-aircraft canons. They also lost tons of ammunition and explosives, medical supplies and foodstuffs.
July 1968. Two 1st Cavalry Division LRP teams, Quang Tri, Vietnam
First Cav shoulder patch
Here come the Air Cav
Charles Duval ( Actor ) Apocalypse Now
” Bounty Hunter ” E TRP 1-7 CAV
Here’s to the Cobra Pilots
1st Cavalry Division The 1st Team
In mid-May 1968 Operation Delaware ceased, however, the division continued tactical operations in I Corps as well as local pacification and “medcap” (medical outreach programs to local Vietnamese). In the autumn of 1968, the 1st Cavalry Division relocated south to Phuc Vinh Base Camp northeast of Saigon. In May 1970, the 1st Cavalry Division participated in the Cambodian Incursion, withdrawing from Cambodia on 29 June. Thereafter, the division took a defensive posture while US troops withdrawals continued from Vietnam. On 29 April 1971 the bulk of the division was withdrawn to Fort Hood, Texas, but its 3rd Brigade remained as one of the final two major US ground combat units in Vietnam, departing 29 June 1972. However, its 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry, Task Force Garry Owen, remained another two months.
Loach
Cobra and a Huey
Here are some videos for your enjoyment:
This article was written by Commander Web and originally appeared on May 11, 2015 in the newsletter of the Museum of Military Memorabilia at Naples Army Airfield, Naples Florida. Click the following link to read through the many published articles on that website: http://naplesmuseummilitaryhistory.org/author/davidcollins
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Thomas Van Putten was born on September 12, 1947, in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He enlisted in the U.S. Army on September 15, 1966, and completed basic training at Fort Knox, Kentucky, in November 1966. Pvt Van Putten next attended advanced individual training as a construction machine operator at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, from November 1966 to January 1967, followed by service as a construction machine operator with the 362nd Engineer Company and with Company C of the 588th Engineer Battalion in South Vietnam from February 1967 until he was captured and taken as a Prisoner of War on February 11, 1968. After spending 412 days in captivity, SP5 Van Putten escaped from his captors on March 28, 1969, and made it to friendly forces on April 17, 1969. He then returned to the United States and was briefly hospitalized to recover from his injuries at the U.S. Naval Hospital at Great Lakes, Illinois, from April to July 1969.
Mr. Van Putten was a 20-year-old construction machine operator with the Army’s 79th Engineer Group when he was captured in February 1968 while helping build a Special Forces camp in Tay Ninh Province. Putten operated a road grader on that fate fateful day in February, 1968. During his captivity, Van Putten attempted to escape on two prior occasions but he was successful in his third attempt. His captors came after him, but he managed to elude them and other Viet Cong who came nearby, once as close as 15 to 20 feet, by hiding and following a river.
An Army helicopter crew from C Troop, 3d Squadron, 17th Air Cavalry, spotted him after 18 days. He was signaling an OH-6A Light Observation Helicopter flying a visual reconnaissance mission in Tay Ninh Province. The pilot at first thinking he was an enemy soldier but quickly recognizing he was a G.I.
According to WO1 Gary D. Gray, Ketchum, Oklahoma, pilot of the helicopter, “We weren’t sure this wasn’t a VC trick, so we took our time looking the man over before we went in for him.” As soon as they were sure the man on the ground was an American the Air Cav Pilots set the LOH down and picked up the wandering soldier. Van Putten had escaped from the VC early in April and had been roaming the jungle for nearly three weeks looking for friendly forces.
The rescuers, WO1 Gray, 1LT Claude M. Nix, Dalton, Georgia, and SP4 Dale E. Wampler, Lake Stevens, Washington, were flying their mission in support of the 25th Infantry Division when SP4 Wampler spotted Van Putten wandering aimlessly in the jungle below.
Crew chief Wampler said, “When we sat down to pick him up, boy he was really in rough looking. He jumped inside, grabbed me by the shoulders and said, ‘I love you’ .” The next thing Van Putten said was that he was hungry. After a quick snack of canned fruit he told the crew his story.
“Boy that guy sure was happy to be back,” reported the sharp eyed crew chief, after the Air Cav team had turned Van Putten in to the 45th Surgical Hospital in Tay Ninh.
Van Putten remained in the Army and served at bases both in Europe and the United States – mostly in construction, but spent almost two years as a trainer with a Basic Training unit in Fort Ord, CA. He was honorable discharge from the Army on September 12, 1975. As a veteran, he told many high school students, civic groups and others about his Vietnam War experience and even spoke at schools. Thomas H. Van Putten had a leg amputated in September 1990 as a result of complications stemming from injuries during his captivity. He resided in Michigan with his wife, Evelee until his death. Thomas Van Putten died on October 25, 2008, and was buried at the Chapel Hill Memorial Gardens in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
His Silver Star Citation reads:
Specialist Five Thomas H. Van Putten distinguished himself by outstanding gallantry in action on 28 March 1969 while a prisoner of the Viet Cong in South Vietnam. On 28 March 1969, after more than one year in a Viet Cong prison camp and after attempting to escape on two previous occasions, he was able to deceive his guard and slip unnoticed from the rear of his bunker into the thick jungle surrounding the POW Camp. For 21 days, Specialist Van Putton utilized every bit of training he possessed, continuously evading the Viet Cong attempts to recapture him, and narrowly missed being recaptured on two separate occasions. In one instance he placed his black colored underpants over his head for camouflage, and getting into the water, pulled himself along with his hands on the bottom of the stream to a position down-stream and away from the enemy. Over the 21-day evasion period he survived on a frog, lizard and a few pieces of sour fruit. Specialist Van Putton’s determination and internal fortitude were demonstrated by continuous movement toward what he believed to be friendly positions. Upon recovery by United States forces he was so weak that he could only walk 15 or 20 feet at a time before blacking out and collapsing. Upon return to United States control, he sought to provide information in order to assist in the rescue and recovery of his comrades still in enemy hands. Specialist Van Putton’s burning determination to escape, undiminished after two unsuccessful attempts, his clearheadedness in formulating an effective plan and his audacity in executing it successfully, reflect the highest credit on his professionalism and courage and are in keeping with the highest traditions of the military service.
Information for this article was obtained from: Veteran Tributes, POW Network, Militarytime.com, http://www.Mlive.com, and Hawk Magazine.
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